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Biden for President Florida is Strongly Positioned for Victory

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With less than 6 weeks left until Election Day, Biden for President Florida is in a strong position to win the Sunshine State and send Joe Biden and Kamala Harris to the White House.

As President, Joe Biden will restore the soul of our nation, rebuild the backbone of our economy — the middle class — and unite our country. President Trump has failed Floridians. From his mismanagement of the COVID-19 crisis and its economic fallout, to his efforts to defund Social Security, President Trump has made Floridians’ lives worse.

Florida is ready for a real leader — and Joe Biden is the right candidate with the right message for voters and the right vision for the future. He cares about issues important to voters, like stopping the spread of COVID, the economy, and health care.

Across the state, our campaign is running a voter contact program focused on quality conversations with voters across Florida to meet voters where they are and earn every vote.

Joe Biden is the leader Florida needs, and we’re strongly positioned for victory

  • Joe Biden is the clear choice to lead Floridians forward. Florida’s economy — particularly in Central Florida and coastal communities that depend on tourism — cannot recover until the pandemic is under control and only Joe Biden has a plan to beat COVID-19 and build our economy back better. Joe Biden has an ambitious plan to create millions of good-paying jobs for working class Floridians by investing in a clean energy future that will also build climate resilient infrastructure that can withstand rising seas and more frequent extreme weather events.
  • President Trump won Florida by just over 1% in 2016, but he’s facing strong headwinds in 2020. In 2018, Florida Democrats picked up 2 Congressional seats and won one statewide election, while ceding the gubernatorial and U.S. Senate races by less than 1% each. Demoratic wins were made possible by increased turnout and support among suburban voters.
  • Democrats won these races by campaigning against key elements of the Trump agenda like his attacks on health care. Joe Biden is in a strong position to build off Democrats’ growing strength in the Florida suburbs, particularly in localities like Duval and Seminole Counties that flipped blue in 2018. Biden is also uniquely situated to narrow margins in traditional Republican strongholds like Sumter County, home to the Villages, thanks to his strong support with Florida seniors. These trends combined with strong turnout in Florida’s reliably blue and more urban counties will chart Biden’s path to victory in the Sunshine State.
  • More than 14,000 Floridians have died from COVID-19 and the unemployment rate has surged to double-digits, peaking at a devastating 24.7% and 37% in places like Orange and Osceola counties respectively, because President Trump failed to act. Floridians know Joe Biden has a plan to get the virus under control and build our economy back better than before.

We aren’t taking a single Floridian for granted

  • Floridians know that Vice President Biden is the right choice. Biden’s polling average is +1.8 according to 538 and Biden is currently +1.3 according to Real Clear Politics. Barack Obama won in 2012 by less than 1% and Donald Trump won in 2016 by a little more than 1%. Elections in Florida are always close, but Biden continues to lead with Florida voters.
  • Vice President Biden, Senator Harris, Jill Biden and Doug Emhoff have held virtual and in-person meetings with Florida voters, including veterans, seniors, educators, African Americans, and Hispanics.
  • During Biden’s first visit to the Sunshine State since being chosen as the Democratic nominee for president, he held a roundtable with local veterans at Hillsborough Community College in Tampa, where he underscored his commitment to our nation’s veterans, service members, families, and caregivers. Then, he visited Kissimmee to kick off Hispanic Heritage Month with Hispanic celebrities Ricky Martin, Eva Longoria, and Luis Fonsi. Biden’s visit came just hours after his campaign rolled out the most comprehensive policy for Puerto Rico’s recovery by any presidential candidate in history.
  • During Senator Harris’ first visit to Florida, she hosted a community conversation with Congresswoman Frederica Wilson, Miami Shores Mayor Crystal Wagar, and Black community leaders at Florida Memorial University where they discussed the challenges facing the Black South Floridians. Before the conversation, Harris stopped for arepas in “Doral-zuela” with Ana Navarro and State Senator Annette Taddeo.

 

 

  • The campaign has organized a robust and comprehensive direct voter contact program, resulting in more than 944,700 actual engagements or meaningful conversations with voters through phone calls and text messages and is prepared to scale its outreach over the coming weeks, with tens of thousands of volunteers already mobilized through virtual events, phonebanks, textbanks, trainings, and meetings. Since the Democratic Convention, the campaign has seen a 336% increase in people signing up to volunteer and help flip Florida blue. These efforts have culminated in an unprecedented 750,000 vote by mail enrollment advantage over Republicans.
  • The campaign’s groundbreaking digital first organizing approach has allowed us to reach voters in new and creative ways, creating digital organizing hubs on Slack, speaking with voters on every platform, and hosting daily virtual events in every part of Florida like last week’s Charla on the housing crisis that followed Hurricane Maria, the campaign’s Sister to Sister mobilization event, or this week’s Turn Up and Turn Out the Vote CBC Bus Tour stop.

Sister to Sister Kickoff: Hats and Tea event with Congresswoman Val Demings, a statewide virtual event to engage and mobilize the Black community

 


Congressional Hispanic Caucus Virtual Bus Tour to Stop in Florida to Talk Housing Ahead of Hurricane Maria Anniversary with Darren Soto, Julián Castro, and Tom Perez

We are building a strong and diverse coalition

  • Our coalition includes Floridians from every part of our state: seniors from the Villages, Black families in Duval, Puerto Ricans in Kissimmee, suburban families in the I-4 corridor, Haitians and Cubans in Miami, Jewish retirees in West Palm Beach, and Republicans in Fort Myers. Our campaign is aggressively pursuing the Hispanic vote, maximizing Black turnout, and increasing support with seniors — and we are successfully executing on all three of these strategic imperatives in 2020.
  • This approach is strengthened by constituency specific outreach that reflects the diverse makeup of Florida. Our campaign has built out the largest coalitions outreach team of any Democratic campaign in Florida, bringing onboard coalition directors to engage and activate Hispanic voters (from Cubans to Puerto Ricans, Venezualans, Colombians, and Nicaraguans), Black voters (African American, Haitian, English speaking Black Caribbean), Florida seniors, women, union workers, veterans, Jewish Floridians, and other key constituencies.
  • Engaging Florida’s diverse communities requires a diverse and multi-pronged approach. That’s why we’ve launched specific grassroots organizations like Caribbean Americans for Biden and Todos Con Biden groups like: Cubanos con Biden, Venezolanos con Biden, Dominicanos con Biden, Colombianos con Biden, and Boricuas con Biden. These grassroots powered groups have a powerful reach through digital organizing on platforms like WhatsApp and socially distanced in-person events like recent caravans. Over the next two months, you will see our campaign continue to engage these constituencies in real and meaningful ways.

We are meeting the moment with effective organizing

  • Mobilizing and engaging supporters during a global pandemic is an unprecedented situation, but it has also provided us an opportunity to meet voters where they are. Our phone contact rates are higher than they have ever been, voters are more willing to engage and meet virtually, and we are having more meaningful conversations.
  • Our campaign has made a historic and early investment in the state: blanketing the airwaves on TV and radio in all 10 of Florida’s media markets since June, while leveraging targeted digital efforts and direct mail to boost turnout and bolster our persuasion efforts. Through September 21, the Biden campaign alone has outspent the Trump campaign on English and Spanish-language TV and radio advertising in Florida.
  • Of note, the Biden campaign has launched the most robust — and culturally competent — Hispanic media buy of any modern Democratic campaign in Florida, with a heavy focus on the Miami, Orlando, and Tampa markets and competing in less traditional Hispanic media markets like Ft. Myers and West Palm Beach.
  • The campaign has also launched the largest paid targeted African American media program in history, with specific emphasis on Black-owned TV, radio, and print, and targeted outreach in both English and Haitian Creole to reach Florida’s diverse Black population.
  • We are targeting every key constituency through every platform in a multi-layered approach: TV, radio, digital, print, mail, and direct voter contact. Whether it’s Hispanic media that incorporates regional-specific accents and touches on culturally relevant themes (ex: Puerto Rican narrators in Central Florida and Venezuelan or Cuban narrators in Miami), or localized content that features testimonials of real Floridians who are supporting Joe, the campaign’s paid media program speaks directly to voters from every community.

Prohibido Olvidar,” meaning Forgetting is Forbidden, is a digital ad airing in Florida in both English and Spanish that features a heartfelt narration and original music by Marc Anthony. The ad pays homage to the survivors of Hurricane Maria and the strength of the people of Puerto Rico

 


Donna” features a couple from the Villages who illustrate the frustration so many Florida seniors feel at Donald Trump’s mismanagement of the COVID-19 response and fundamental failure to lead.

We are helping voters understand how to cast their ballot

  • Biden for President Florida has assembled the largest and best-resourced voter protection program in history, with more than 4,000 lawyers mobilized and thousands of volunteers working to ensure that every eligible voter can vote and have their vote count. Our voter protection program is also equipped to communicate with voters in English, Spanish, and Haitian creole.
  • We are also engaging in a large-scale voter education campaign to ensure that Floridians know how and when to cast their ballot. IWillVote.com/FL includes new resources to walk voters through the process of casting their ballot, and we’ll be launching a robust digital program featuring voters and elected officials highlighting the easy and convenient ways to vote early. Voters can also contact our information hotline, with English, Spanish, and Haitian Creole language options, at 833-VOTE-FLA (833-868-3352).

Where we go from here

  • While our campaign has built a historic advantage in vote-by-mail, we will continue to mobilize significant resources to encourage Floridians to vote early through whatever option they choose — whether that’s through mail or in person voting.
  • Biden for President Florida is standing up Community Victory Centers across the state, where supporters can pick up campaign supplies and literature, to ensure voters can get the information they need about our campaign no matter where in Florida they live.
  • And you will see our campaign continue to meet voters where they are. We will use all of the tools at our disposal — including our expansive surrogate program, local media engagement, paid media, and more — to persuade and mobilize every eligible voter to cast their ballot for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.

There are 36 days until November 3rd and Biden for President Florida is going to use every single one of them to persuade and mobilize Floridians to cast their ballot for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.

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Florida

[COURTS & LAW] Paula Stark Court Record Could Impact Daisy Morales, James Bush III Defamation Lawsuits Against FHDCC

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Stark’s Leon County Election Fight, Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade and Morales’ Orange County Defamation Lawsuit Could Put FHDCC’s Legal Status Under Scrutiny in Three Florida Courts

ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Three Florida court cases. Three counties. One political committee — and an unresolved legal question that could affect two pending defamation lawsuits.

Court records obtained and reviewed by Florida National News show the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) sought permission to become a Party Defendant in Republican state Rep. Paula Stark’s Leon County election lawsuit in June 2026.

Less than a month later, FHDCC took a different procedural position in former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III’s Miami-Dade defamation lawsuit, arguing that it is an unincorporated political organization that lacks the capacity to be sued in its own name.

That position is supported by a sworn affidavit submitted by State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of FHDCC, describing her authority over committee funds and legal matters and stating the committee’s position that it cannot be sued as a political committee.

Now, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has named FHDCC as a defendant in a separate defamation lawsuit in Orange County.

The cases involve different parties, claims and legal issues. FHDCC’s attempt to intervene in Stark’s case does not establish that the committee has capacity to be sued in Bush or Morales.

But the developing record presents a significant question: FHDCC affirmatively asked one Florida circuit court to allow it to become a Party Defendant, then later argued in another that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.

FHDCC Asked to Become a Party Defendant in Stark Case

Stark, a Republican state representative from St. Cloud, sued after election officials determined she failed to qualify for reelection to House District 47.

Her case, Paula Stark v. Cord Byrd, et al., Case No. 2026-CA-1311, was filed in the Second Judicial Circuit in Leon County before Circuit Judge Joshua M. Hawkes.

On June 25, 2026, attorney Mark Herron filed a motion on behalf of FHDCC and Democratic House District 47 candidates Jorge Figueroa and Anthony Nieves.

The filing was expressly titled “Motion to Intervene as a Party Defendants in Pending Election Case” and asked Hawkes to permit FHDCC, Figueroa and Nieves to intervene as Party Defendants under Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.230.

FHDCC also described itself in the motion as an affiliated party committee established under Section 103.092, Florida Statutes, to support Democratic candidates for the Florida House.

The committee asserted that the outcome of Stark’s lawsuit would affect the resources FHDCC would expend in the House District 47 election.

Herron signed the filing as “Attorney for the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee.”

Herron also serves as FHDCC treasurer. His dual role could become relevant if the Bush or Morales defamation lawsuits reach discovery concerning the committee’s organization, finances or decision-making. Any potential testimony would depend on Herron’s firsthand knowledge and applicable attorney-client and other legal protections.

Hawkes Denied FHDCC Intervention

FHDCC did not succeed in becoming a party to Stark’s case.

In his July 8 Order on Petition for Mandamus, Hawkes explained that he denied FHDCC intervention because the committee’s asserted interest amounted to “just a financial stake.”

Hawkes instead allowed Figueroa and Nieves to intervene because their candidacies and political positions were directly affected by whether the primary would remain closed. The written order consequently identifies Figueroa and Nieves — not FHDCC — as intervenors.

That distinction is critical.

The Stark record establishes that FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant. It does not establish that the court accepted FHDCC in that capacity. Hawkes expressly denied the committee’s request.

Hawkes ultimately denied Stark’s request for ballot relief. In his analysis, he also referenced an argument advanced by “counsel for Intervenors.”

The Stark litigation was subsequently closed.

Why Stark Matters

Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC has legal capacity to sue or be sued.

He rejected FHDCC’s intervention because its asserted interest in the election dispute was insufficient.

But the underlying motion remains significant because it establishes that FHDCC, through counsel, affirmatively invoked a Florida court’s jurisdiction and asked to participate as a Party Defendant.

That record could become relevant if FHDCC maintains in other courts that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.

Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade

While Stark’s election litigation was unfolding in Leon County, FHDCC was facing a different legal battle in Miami-Dade.

Former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III filed a defamation lawsuit in August 2025 against Edge Communications, LLC, Strong Community, FHDCC and state Rep. Ashley Gantt.

The case, James Bush III v. Edge Communications, LLC, et al., Case No. 2025-015569-CA-01, was assigned to Section CA31 of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit and Circuit Judge Migna Sanchez-Llorens, according to the court’s Case Management Order.

The order, signed Oct. 11, 2025, established July 8, 2026, as the deadline for summary judgment and dispositive motions, resolution of certain pretrial matters and mediation. It projected an Oct. 6, 2026 trial date.

On July 8 — the same day Hawkes issued his Stark ruling in Leon County — clerk defaults were entered against FHDCC and other defendants in Bush’s lawsuit, according to filings previously reviewed by FNN.

FHDCC moved to set aside its default on July 15.

Bush then filed a Motion for Final Default Judgment on July 29 seeking $1 million, plus costs, against the defaulted defendants.

The distinction is important: Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment. The court has not entered a $1 million judgment based on the records reviewed for this report.

FHDCC Argues It Cannot Be Sued in Its Own Name

FHDCC’s response to the Miami-Dade default creates the central comparison with the Stark record.

In its Motion to Set Aside Default, FHDCC argued that it is a 527 political unincorporated organization that lacks capacity to be sued in its own name.

The committee cited Larkin v. Buranosky, a 2008 Florida appellate decision involving unincorporated political organizations.

That remains FHDCC’s legal position, not a determination by the Miami-Dade court.

But the timing creates a significant comparison:

June 25 — Leon County: FHDCC asks to enter litigation as a Party Defendant.

July 8 — Leon County: Hawkes denies FHDCC intervention.

July 15 — Miami-Dade County: FHDCC argues that its organizational status prevents it from being sued in its own name.

Those positions are not automatically contradictory. Intervention and capacity to be sued are distinct legal questions, and Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC possessed capacity to sue or be sued.

But the records could invite scrutiny of how FHDCC characterizes its legal identity and litigation authority in different proceedings.

FHDCC Chair Hunschofsky Submits Sworn Affidavit

The Miami-Dade dispute took on added significance when State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, submitted a sworn affidavit supporting FHDCC’s effort to set aside the default.

Hunschofsky described FHDCC as a Florida registered political committee affiliated with the Florida Democratic Party but not controlled by it.

She also described her authority within the organization, stating that she is responsible for the allocation of FHDCC funds and for legal actions against the committee and its defense.

Hunschofsky further stated that FHDCC is an unincorporated entity and that the committee understands it “cannot be sued as a political committee.”

She said that after learning Bush had obtained a default, she immediately instructed attorney Juan-Carlos Planas to seek to set aside the default and have the case dismissed based on FHDCC’s position that it cannot be sued under Florida law.

The affidavit represents sworn statements by FHDCC’s chair concerning the committee’s structure and her responsibilities. Her assertion concerning whether FHDCC can be sued is the committee’s legal position; it does not establish that Sanchez-Llorens has accepted that interpretation.

Morales Defamation Lawsuit Brings Question to Orange County

The third case brings the issue to Orange County.

On Aug. 14, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales filed a defamation lawsuit against FHDCC and Democratic House District 43 nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago.

The case, Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, Case No. 482026CA008697A001OX, is pending in the Ninth Judicial Circuit before Circuit Judge Michael Deen.

Morales asserts claims for defamation/libel and defamation by implication arising from political mailers distributed during the Democratic primary campaign.

Among the disputed statements was a representation that Morales endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.

Morales alleges the statements were false and defamatory.

Those allegations remain pending. Neither Vilchez Santiago nor FHDCC has been found liable for defamation.

Vilchez Santiago defeated Morales in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election result does not resolve the civil lawsuit.

Could Stark and Bush Affect Morales?

The Stark intervention record makes the potential Orange County issue clearer.

If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales that it raised against Bush, the Orange County court could be asked to consider a broader record concerning the committee’s legal identity and structure.

That record could include FHDCC’s request to become a Party Defendant in Stark; Herron’s representation of the committee; Hawkes’ denial of FHDCC intervention; FHDCC’s Miami-Dade capacity argument; Hunschofsky’s sworn affidavit; and state records governing the committee’s organization and operations.

None of that evidence establishes the merits of Morales’ defamation claims.

But it could become relevant to a threshold question:

Is FHDCC itself a proper defendant?

And if Florida law ultimately says it is not, another question follows:

Who is the proper party for allegedly actionable conduct undertaken through the committee?

Three Courts, Different Consequences

The issue carries different consequences in each court.

Leon County: FHDCC affirmatively sought Party Defendant status, but Hawkes denied its intervention. Stark’s case is closed, and nothing in the Bush or Morales litigation currently changes that outcome.

Miami-Dade County: The consequences are immediate. Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment while FHDCC is attempting to set aside its default and arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.

Orange County: The issue is prospective. If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales, Deen could be asked to examine the developing Stark and Bush records in determining whether FHDCC is a proper defendant.

One Political Committee, Three Florida Courts

The court records do not establish wrongdoing by FHDCC, Herron, Hunschofsky or their attorneys. Nor do they establish the merits of the Bush or Morales defamation claims.

What they do establish is an unusual litigation record involving the same political committee across three Florida circuit courts.

In Leon County, FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant — and Hawkes denied the request.

In Miami-Dade County, FHDCC is fighting a clerk’s default and Bush’s request for a $1 million final default judgment while arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.

In Orange County, FHDCC is now a named defendant in Morales’ defamation lawsuit.

The cases could ultimately put a fundamental question under scrutiny:

What is the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s legal status — and if FHDCC cannot be sued in its own name, who may be held legally accountable for actionable conduct undertaken through the committee if that conduct is ultimately proven?

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Florida

FIU Becomes First Florida University to Launch CORE Emergency Management Partnership

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MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Florida officials announced the launch of the Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education, or CORE, Program at Florida International University, beginning an initiative designed to strengthen the state’s emergency management workforce through partnerships with colleges, universities and technical and trade schools.

The program will connect higher education institutions with the Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies to provide students with specialized education and training in emergency management.

CORE is also expected to provide opportunities for students to earn industry-recognized certificates and establish pathways to jobs with emergency management offices and private-sector industry partners across Florida.

FIU First to Launch CORE

Florida International University in Miami is the first institution where CORE is being rolled out.

State officials said 11 institutions have committed to participating, with the long-term goal of expanding the initiative to every college, university, technical school and trade school in Florida.

The statewide expansion would create a pipeline of students trained for careers involving disaster preparedness, emergency response and recovery.

Building Florida’s Emergency Management Workforce

Florida’s exposure to hurricanes and other natural disasters has made emergency preparedness and response a major state priority.

Officials said maintaining Florida’s emergency management capabilities requires developing the next generation of professionals who will work before, during and after disasters and other emergencies.

The CORE partnerships are designed to connect classroom education with professional training, certifications and employment opportunities.

Education-to-Employment Pipeline

The program is intended to create a more direct pathway from education to careers in emergency management.

Through partnerships involving state agencies, educational institutions and industry organizations, students could gain specialized training while developing credentials recognized by employers.

The initiative could also help state and local emergency management agencies develop a larger pool of trained candidates as Florida’s population and emergency-response needs continue to grow.

Statewide Expansion Planned

While the program begins at FIU, officials said the broader objective is statewide.

The goal is to eventually establish CORE partnerships throughout Florida’s higher education and workforce-training system, including universities, colleges, technical schools and trade schools.

Florida officials also envision CORE becoming a workforce-development model that other states could replicate.

Key Takeaways

  • Program: Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education (CORE)
  • Initial launch: Florida International University in Miami
  • State partner: Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies
  • Participating institutions: 11 institutions have committed so far
  • Training: Specialized emergency management education and workforce preparation
  • Credentials: Industry-recognized certificates
  • Career component: Pathways to emergency management agencies and industry employers
  • Long-term goal: Expand CORE to colleges, universities, technical schools and trade schools throughout Florida
  • National objective: Develop a Florida workforce model that could be replicated in other states

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Florida

Byron Donalds Selects Miami-Dade Sen. Bryan Avila as Running Mate in Florida Governor’s Race

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MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Republican gubernatorial nominee Byron Donalds selected Florida state Sen. Bryan Avila of Miami-Dade County as his running mate for lieutenant governor, adding a South Florida lawmaker to the GOP ticket for the 2026 general election.

Donalds announced Avila as his choice Tuesday, Aug. 25, at Miami’s historic Freedom Tower, a location closely associated with South Florida’s Cuban exile community.

The selection puts Avila alongside Donalds as Republicans turn their attention to the general election and the race to succeed Gov. Ron DeSantis.

Who Is Bryan Avila?

Avila is a Republican state senator from Miami-Dade County and previously served in the Florida House of Representatives.

His selection gives the Donalds ticket a prominent South Florida presence and adds a lawmaker with experience in both chambers of the Florida Legislature.

The Miami announcement also places immigration, communism, economic opportunity and Florida’s relationship with Latin American communities near the center of the Republican ticket’s general-election messaging.

Road to the General Election

With Avila joining the ticket, Donalds now moves toward the November general election with the Republican nominees for governor and lieutenant governor in place.

The lieutenant governor selection is one of Donalds’ most consequential decisions since securing the Republican nomination, helping define the geographic, political and demographic strategy of his statewide campaign.

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