Florida
Darren Soto Faces Toughest Re-Election Fight as Puerto Rican Political Influence Shifts in Central Florida
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — A decade ago, Central Florida’s growing Puerto Rican population was widely viewed as a political force poised to reshape Florida politics for generations.
Today, that momentum faces growing uncertainty.
As congressional redistricting redraws political boundaries, voter turnout fluctuates, and internal political divisions deepen, Puerto Rican political representation in Central Florida is confronting one of its most significant challenges in modern Florida history.
At the center of the debate is Darren Soto, Florida’s first Puerto Rican member of Congress, who now faces a dramatically reshaped congressional district that political analysts say could strongly favor Republicans in 2026.
The battle over Soto’s political future has become symbolic of a larger question unfolding across Orange and Osceola counties: Can Puerto Rican political influence maintain its footing in a rapidly changing Central Florida electorate?
A Community That Once Redefined Florida Politics
Puerto Rican migration to Central Florida accelerated in the early 2000s and surged further following the economic downturn in Puerto Rico and the devastation caused by Hurricane Maria in 2017.
The migration transformed communities throughout Orlando, Kissimmee and surrounding areas, creating one of the largest Puerto Rican populations in the continental United States.
The political impact soon followed.
Puerto Rican candidates increasingly won elections at both the state and federal levels, creating what many viewed as a rising pipeline of Hispanic leadership in Florida.
That rise included the elections of leaders such as:
US House of Representatives
- Darren Soto (D) — U.S. Congressman(2016) ; former State Senator (2012) and State Representative (2007)
Florida State Senate
- Victor Torres (D) — former State Senator (2016-2024) and State Representative (2012)
Florida House of Representatives
- Susan Plasencia (R) — State Representative (2022)
- Johanna López (D) — State Representative (2022) and former Orange County School Board Member
- Daisy Morales (D) — former State Representative (2020) and former Supervisor of Orange County Soil & Water Conservation District
- Amy Mercado (D) — former State Representative (2016)
- René Plasencia (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- John Cortes (D) — former State Representative (2014)
- Bob Cortes (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- Ricardo Rangel (D) — former State Representative 2012
- John Quiñones (R) — former State Representative (2002) and former Osceola County Commissioner
- Anthony Suarez (D) — former State Representative (1999)
Puerto Rican representation reached a high point during the mid-2010s.
In 2016, six Puerto Rican elected officials simultaneously held seats in Congress or the Florida Legislature, including Soto, Torres, Bob Cortes, John Cortes, Amy Mercado and Rene Plasencia.
Political strategists at the time predicted that Puerto Rican voters could eventually help Democrats establish long-term dominance in Florida.
That projection, however, has not materialized.
Redistricting Changed the Political Landscape
The congressional map approved by Ron DeSantis and the Republican-controlled Legislature significantly altered Central Florida’s political boundaries following the 2020 Census.
The changes reshaped Soto’s congressional district by expanding it eastward and incorporating more conservative coastal and suburban voters.
Under the revised district:
- The Hispanic voting-age population declined substantially.
- Puerto Rican voter concentration dropped sharply.
- White voters became the district’s largest demographic group.
- Republican performance improved across multiple precincts added to the district.
Political analysts say the new map transformed what had been a Democratic-leaning Hispanic-majority district into a far more competitive seat.
The map also intensified concerns among civil rights advocates and Puerto Rican community leaders who argue the changes diluted Hispanic voting power.
Several legal challenges were filed against the congressional maps, though Florida courts have thus far allowed the districts to remain in place.
Election Results Raise Concerns
Recent election outcomes have further fueled debate over the future of Puerto Rican political representation.
In Senate District 25, Puerto Rican leadership ended after term limits forced the departure of Victor Torres.
His wife, Carmen Torres, sought to retain the seat in 2024 with support from Democratic leaders and Puerto Rican political organizations. She ultimately lost to a White candidate, Kristen Arrington.
In House Districts 35, 44 and 47 — districts with large Hispanic populations — White candidates also prevailed.
Meanwhile, former State Representative Daisy Morales lost her re-election bid after facing opposition supported by portions of the Democratic establishment. That opposition included, but not limited to Johanna López (Puerto Rican), who previously served as campaign manager for Samuel Vilchez Santiago during his unsuccessful 2020 challenge against Morales and later strongly supported a white candidate in Morales re-election race in 2022.
Some Puerto Rican community leaders argue these election outcomes reflect a growing disconnect between Central Florida’s expanding Hispanic population and the candidates ultimately elected to represent those communities.
Others point to changing coalition politics in Central Florida, where Venezuelan, Colombian, Brazilian and non-Hispanic voters increasingly shape election outcomes alongside Puerto Rican voters.
Internal Political Divisions Complicate the Picture
Political observers also note that internal divisions within Democratic and Puerto Rican political circles have contributed to leadership turnover.
Several recent races featured:
- Competing endorsements among Puerto Rican leaders.
- Financial support directed toward non-Puerto Rican candidates.
- Divisions between progressive and establishment Democratic factions.
- Low turnout in local and legislative elections.
The victories of candidates such as Rita Harris demonstrated how coalition-building among African American, White progressive and non-Puerto Rican Hispanic voters could overcome traditional Puerto Rican political bases.
Voter Turnout Remains a Major Challenge
Despite population growth, Puerto Rican voter turnout has remained inconsistent in nonpresidential elections.
Political strategists say turnout gaps continue to weaken electoral influence, particularly in:
- Midterm elections.
- Local legislative races.
- Municipal and county contests.
Lower participation rates among younger voters and newly relocated residents have also limited the community’s ability to fully translate population growth into political power.
Republicans, meanwhile, have made gains among Hispanic voters across Florida, particularly among working-class and socially conservative voters concerned about inflation, public safety and economic issues.
Soto Still Maintains Key Advantages
Despite the challenges, Darren Soto enters the next election cycle with several advantages.
Soto remains one of the most recognizable political figures in Central Florida and has built strong relationships throughout Osceola and Orange counties during his years in public office.
Supporters credit Soto with helping secure federal investments involving:
- Transportation infrastructure.
- SunRail expansion efforts.
- Airport development.
- Economic development initiatives.
- Hurricane recovery assistance for Puerto Rican families relocating to Florida.
Democrats also believe backlash against aggressive redistricting and growing concerns over immigration enforcement policies could energize Hispanic voter turnout.
Still, many political analysts acknowledge that the new district lines significantly complicate Soto’s path to reelection.
What Happens if Soto Loses?
If Soto is defeated, Florida could temporarily lose Puerto Rican representation in Congress entirely.
For many community leaders, the symbolic impact would be significant.
Puerto Rican advocates argue that representation matters not only legislatively, but culturally and politically, particularly for communities that spent decades building political infrastructure in Central Florida.
The concern extends beyond a single election cycle.
Currently, Johanna López and Susan Plasencia remain among the few Puerto Rican voices serving in the Florida House.
López has announced she will not seek reelection and instead is running for Orange County commissioner. She endorsed Samuel Vilchez Santiago, a Venezuelan American candidate, to succeed her.
If elected, Santiago would further reflect the political evolution of Central Florida’s Hispanic electorate, where multiple Latino communities increasingly share political influence once largely associated with Puerto Rican voters.
A Defining Election Cycle Ahead
As Central Florida continues to diversify politically and demographically, the 2026 election cycle is expected to test whether Puerto Rican political influence can regroup under new district boundaries and changing coalition dynamics.
For Soto and many longtime Puerto Rican leaders, the coming election may determine whether the political movement that transformed Central Florida over the last two decades can maintain its influence — or whether a new political era is already emerging.
Florida
Democratic Leaders Condemned Susan Valdés’ GOP Switch; Orange Democrats Later Appear Alongside Her
Florida
[COURTS & LAW] Paula Stark Court Record Could Impact Daisy Morales, James Bush III Defamation Lawsuits Against FHDCC
Stark’s Leon County Election Fight, Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade and Morales’ Orange County Defamation Lawsuit Could Put FHDCC’s Legal Status Under Scrutiny in Three Florida Courts
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Three Florida court cases. Three counties. One political committee — and an unresolved legal question that could affect two pending defamation lawsuits.
Court records obtained and reviewed by Florida National News show the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) sought permission to become a Party Defendant in Republican state Rep. Paula Stark’s Leon County election lawsuit in June 2026.
Less than a month later, FHDCC took a different procedural position in former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III’s Miami-Dade defamation lawsuit, arguing that it is an unincorporated political organization that lacks the capacity to be sued in its own name.
That position is supported by a sworn affidavit submitted by State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of FHDCC, describing her authority over committee funds and legal matters and stating the committee’s position that it cannot be sued as a political committee.
Now, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has named FHDCC as a defendant in a separate defamation lawsuit in Orange County.
The cases involve different parties, claims and legal issues. FHDCC’s attempt to intervene in Stark’s case does not establish that the committee has capacity to be sued in Bush or Morales.
But the developing record presents a significant question: FHDCC affirmatively asked one Florida circuit court to allow it to become a Party Defendant, then later argued in another that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
FHDCC Asked to Become a Party Defendant in Stark Case
Stark, a Republican state representative from St. Cloud, sued after election officials determined she failed to qualify for reelection to House District 47.
Her case, Paula Stark v. Cord Byrd, et al., Case No. 2026-CA-1311, was filed in the Second Judicial Circuit in Leon County before Circuit Judge Joshua M. Hawkes.
On June 25, 2026, attorney Mark Herron filed a motion on behalf of FHDCC and Democratic House District 47 candidates Jorge Figueroa and Anthony Nieves.
The filing was expressly titled “Motion to Intervene as a Party Defendants in Pending Election Case” and asked Hawkes to permit FHDCC, Figueroa and Nieves to intervene as Party Defendants under Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.230.
FHDCC also described itself in the motion as an affiliated party committee established under Section 103.092, Florida Statutes, to support Democratic candidates for the Florida House.
The committee asserted that the outcome of Stark’s lawsuit would affect the resources FHDCC would expend in the House District 47 election.
Herron signed the filing as “Attorney for the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee.”
Herron also serves as FHDCC treasurer. His dual role could become relevant if the Bush or Morales defamation lawsuits reach discovery concerning the committee’s organization, finances or decision-making. Any potential testimony would depend on Herron’s firsthand knowledge and applicable attorney-client and other legal protections.
Hawkes Denied FHDCC Intervention
FHDCC did not succeed in becoming a party to Stark’s case.
In his July 8 Order on Petition for Mandamus, Hawkes explained that he denied FHDCC intervention because the committee’s asserted interest amounted to “just a financial stake.”
Hawkes instead allowed Figueroa and Nieves to intervene because their candidacies and political positions were directly affected by whether the primary would remain closed. The written order consequently identifies Figueroa and Nieves — not FHDCC — as intervenors.
That distinction is critical.
The Stark record establishes that FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant. It does not establish that the court accepted FHDCC in that capacity. Hawkes expressly denied the committee’s request.
Hawkes ultimately denied Stark’s request for ballot relief. In his analysis, he also referenced an argument advanced by “counsel for Intervenors.”
The Stark litigation was subsequently closed.
Why Stark Matters
Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC has legal capacity to sue or be sued.
He rejected FHDCC’s intervention because its asserted interest in the election dispute was insufficient.
But the underlying motion remains significant because it establishes that FHDCC, through counsel, affirmatively invoked a Florida court’s jurisdiction and asked to participate as a Party Defendant.
That record could become relevant if FHDCC maintains in other courts that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade
While Stark’s election litigation was unfolding in Leon County, FHDCC was facing a different legal battle in Miami-Dade.
Former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III filed a defamation lawsuit in August 2025 against Edge Communications, LLC, Strong Community, FHDCC and state Rep. Ashley Gantt.
The case, James Bush III v. Edge Communications, LLC, et al., Case No. 2025-015569-CA-01, was assigned to Section CA31 of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit and Circuit Judge Migna Sanchez-Llorens, according to the court’s Case Management Order.
The order, signed Oct. 11, 2025, established July 8, 2026, as the deadline for summary judgment and dispositive motions, resolution of certain pretrial matters and mediation. It projected an Oct. 6, 2026 trial date.
On July 8 — the same day Hawkes issued his Stark ruling in Leon County — clerk defaults were entered against FHDCC and other defendants in Bush’s lawsuit, according to filings previously reviewed by FNN.
FHDCC moved to set aside its default on July 15.
Bush then filed a Motion for Final Default Judgment on July 29 seeking $1 million, plus costs, against the defaulted defendants.
The distinction is important: Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment. The court has not entered a $1 million judgment based on the records reviewed for this report.
FHDCC Argues It Cannot Be Sued in Its Own Name
FHDCC’s response to the Miami-Dade default creates the central comparison with the Stark record.
In its Motion to Set Aside Default, FHDCC argued that it is a 527 political unincorporated organization that lacks capacity to be sued in its own name.
The committee cited Larkin v. Buranosky, a 2008 Florida appellate decision involving unincorporated political organizations.
That remains FHDCC’s legal position, not a determination by the Miami-Dade court.
But the timing creates a significant comparison:
June 25 — Leon County: FHDCC asks to enter litigation as a Party Defendant.
July 8 — Leon County: Hawkes denies FHDCC intervention.
July 15 — Miami-Dade County: FHDCC argues that its organizational status prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Those positions are not automatically contradictory. Intervention and capacity to be sued are distinct legal questions, and Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC possessed capacity to sue or be sued.
But the records could invite scrutiny of how FHDCC characterizes its legal identity and litigation authority in different proceedings.
FHDCC Chair Hunschofsky Submits Sworn Affidavit
The Miami-Dade dispute took on added significance when State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, submitted a sworn affidavit supporting FHDCC’s effort to set aside the default.
Hunschofsky described FHDCC as a Florida registered political committee affiliated with the Florida Democratic Party but not controlled by it.
She also described her authority within the organization, stating that she is responsible for the allocation of FHDCC funds and for legal actions against the committee and its defense.
Hunschofsky further stated that FHDCC is an unincorporated entity and that the committee understands it “cannot be sued as a political committee.”
She said that after learning Bush had obtained a default, she immediately instructed attorney Juan-Carlos Planas to seek to set aside the default and have the case dismissed based on FHDCC’s position that it cannot be sued under Florida law.
The affidavit represents sworn statements by FHDCC’s chair concerning the committee’s structure and her responsibilities. Her assertion concerning whether FHDCC can be sued is the committee’s legal position; it does not establish that Sanchez-Llorens has accepted that interpretation.
Morales Defamation Lawsuit Brings Question to Orange County
The third case brings the issue to Orange County.
On Aug. 14, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales filed a defamation lawsuit against FHDCC and Democratic House District 43 nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago.
The case, Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, Case No. 482026CA008697A001OX, is pending in the Ninth Judicial Circuit before Circuit Judge Michael Deen.
Morales asserts claims for defamation/libel and defamation by implication arising from political mailers distributed during the Democratic primary campaign.
Among the disputed statements was a representation that Morales endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.
Morales alleges the statements were false and defamatory.
Those allegations remain pending. Neither Vilchez Santiago nor FHDCC has been found liable for defamation.
Vilchez Santiago defeated Morales in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election result does not resolve the civil lawsuit.
Could Stark and Bush Affect Morales?
The Stark intervention record makes the potential Orange County issue clearer.
If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales that it raised against Bush, the Orange County court could be asked to consider a broader record concerning the committee’s legal identity and structure.
That record could include FHDCC’s request to become a Party Defendant in Stark; Herron’s representation of the committee; Hawkes’ denial of FHDCC intervention; FHDCC’s Miami-Dade capacity argument; Hunschofsky’s sworn affidavit; and state records governing the committee’s organization and operations.
None of that evidence establishes the merits of Morales’ defamation claims.
But it could become relevant to a threshold question:
Is FHDCC itself a proper defendant?
And if Florida law ultimately says it is not, another question follows:
Who is the proper party for allegedly actionable conduct undertaken through the committee?
Three Courts, Different Consequences
The issue carries different consequences in each court.
Leon County: FHDCC affirmatively sought Party Defendant status, but Hawkes denied its intervention. Stark’s case is closed, and nothing in the Bush or Morales litigation currently changes that outcome.
Miami-Dade County: The consequences are immediate. Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment while FHDCC is attempting to set aside its default and arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
Orange County: The issue is prospective. If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales, Deen could be asked to examine the developing Stark and Bush records in determining whether FHDCC is a proper defendant.
One Political Committee, Three Florida Courts
The court records do not establish wrongdoing by FHDCC, Herron, Hunschofsky or their attorneys. Nor do they establish the merits of the Bush or Morales defamation claims.
What they do establish is an unusual litigation record involving the same political committee across three Florida circuit courts.
In Leon County, FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant — and Hawkes denied the request.
In Miami-Dade County, FHDCC is fighting a clerk’s default and Bush’s request for a $1 million final default judgment while arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
In Orange County, FHDCC is now a named defendant in Morales’ defamation lawsuit.
The cases could ultimately put a fundamental question under scrutiny:
What is the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s legal status — and if FHDCC cannot be sued in its own name, who may be held legally accountable for actionable conduct undertaken through the committee if that conduct is ultimately proven?
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