Florida
David Jolly Campaign Tops $5 Million in Fundraising, Gains Momentum in Florida Governor’s Race
Published
5 months agoon
COCONUT CREEK, Fla. (FNN) — The campaign for David Jolly announced it has surpassed $5 million in total contributions since launching in June, signaling growing momentum in Florida’s governor’s race.
According to the campaign, donations have come from supporters in all 67 Florida counties and all 50 states, as Jolly continues a statewide tour of town halls and community meetings.
FUNDRAISING MILESTONES
The campaign reported raising $2 million so far in 2026, marking its strongest fundraising period to date and the third consecutive quarter of growth.
In addition, the campaign said it raised $1 million in the days following the March 24 special election victories of Emily Gregory and Brian Nathan, events that campaign officials say energized donors statewide and nationally.
ENDORSEMENTS AND CAMPAIGN MESSAGE
Following the special elections, Gregory publicly endorsed Jolly, citing his focus on affordability and coalition-building across party lines.
Jolly emphasized his campaign’s priorities in a statement:
“Floridians are hungry for leadership focused on lowering costs and bringing people together to solve Florida’s urgent problems,” Jolly said. “This outpouring of support shows that donors across our state and the country recognize Florida is in play and that we are building a formidable campaign capable of winning this race.”
Jolly’s platform centers on addressing the state’s affordability challenges, including housing, insurance costs and access to health care and education.
RACE OUTLOOK AND MOMENTUM
Recent polling, according to the campaign, shows Jolly within single digits of Republican frontrunner Byron Donalds, suggesting a competitive race.
Campaign Chair Mitchell Berger pointed to continued growth and expanding national support.
“This is what momentum looks like: three straight quarters of growth, record fundraising, expanding national support, and polling that shows this race tightening,” Berger said.
Since launching his campaign in June 2025, Jolly has held more than 200 community meetings across Florida, aiming to build a broad coalition of voters.
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Florida
FNN ANALYSIS: After 2024 Defections, Florida Democrats Face 2026 Election Test: Can They Rebuild as Republicans Expand Their Advantage?
Published
9 hours agoon
September 12, 2026Republicans built a legislative supermajority through elections before two House Democrats switched parties and the Senate Democratic leader became unaffiliated. Now Democrats are trying to rebuild amid a GOP voter-registration advantage exceeding 1.54 million — and signs that some Republican-held districts remain competitive.
By Florida National News
TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Six years ago, Florida Democrats held enough seats in the state House to prevent Republicans from reaching a two-thirds supermajority.
Today, the political landscape looks dramatically different.
Republicans emerged from the 2020 election with 78 of the Florida House’s 120 seats, two short of the 80 required for a two-thirds majority. Democrats held 42.
By the end of the 2024 election, Republicans had 85 seats and Democrats 35. Then two newly reelected Democratic representatives — Susan Valdés of Tampa and Hillary Cassel of Broward County — switched to the Republican Party, expanding the GOP advantage to 87-33.
Four months later, another high-profile departure came in the Senate. Democratic Leader Jason Pizzo left his party and became unaffiliated.
Those defections attracted significant attention, but they can obscure the larger story of Florida’s political transformation.
Party switching did not create Republican control of Tallahassee. Elections did.
The subsequent defections widened an advantage Republicans had already established at the ballot box.
Now, with the Nov. 3, 2026, general election approaching, Democrats face a more complicated test than simply winning several competitive races. They are attempting to rebuild legislative representation while confronting a Republican voter-registration advantage of more than 1.54 million active voters.
At the same time, Democratic victories in several 2026 legislative contests suggest the statewide numbers do not necessarily determine what happens district by district.
That creates three questions heading into November: Can Democrats win back legislative seats? Can Republicans protect the districts underlying their supermajority? And can both parties retain the lawmakers voters elect under their banners?
From 42 House Democrats to Republican Supermajority
The clearest starting point is 2020.
Republicans won 78 House seats, compared with 42 for Democrats. With 80 seats needed for a two-thirds majority, Democrats retained enough representation to keep Republicans below that threshold.
Former Democratic Reps. Daisy Morales of Orange County and James Bush III of Miami-Dade County were among the lawmakers elected as part of that 42-member Democratic delegation.
The balance changed decisively two years later.
Republicans expanded their House majority to 85 seats in the 2022 election, crossing the two-thirds threshold. The 2024 election again produced an 85-35 Republican advantage.
That chronology is important because it separates two different political developments.
Republicans gained the supermajority through elections. The Democratic defections came afterward.
The distinction also provides a clearer measurement of Democratic decline: from 42 House seats after the 2020 election to 35 after the 2024 election — a net reduction of seven seats before either Valdés or Cassel changed parties.
Two House Democrats Switch Parties
The first post-election departure came quickly.
On Dec. 9, 2024, Valdés announced she was leaving the Democratic Party and joining the Republican Party, just weeks after voters reelected her as a Democrat.
Her switch moved the House from 85 Republicans and 35 Democrats to 86-34.
Less than three weeks later, Cassel followed.
On Dec. 27, Cassel announced she also was leaving the Democratic Party for the GOP.
The House moved to 87 Republicans and 33 Democrats.
Florida Democratic Party Chair Nikki Fried criticized Cassel’s decision at the time while acknowledging the difficult political environment facing Democrats.
The significance went beyond losing two caucus members.
A direct switch from Democrat to Republican changes the partisan margin by two: Democrats lose one seat while Republicans simultaneously gain one.
The two defections therefore transformed an 85-35 House into an 87-33 chamber without another general election being held.
Senate Democratic Leader Becomes Unaffiliated
The next departure was politically significant but fundamentally different.
On April 24, 2025, Pizzo announced he was leaving the Democratic Party while serving as Senate Democratic leader. His voter registration became No Party Affiliation the following day.
He did not become a Republican.
That distinction matters when measuring party switching. Valdés and Cassel directly increased the Republican House caucus. Pizzo’s departure did not add a Republican senator.
It nevertheless cost Democrats a sitting senator and their caucus leader. Sen. Lori Berman subsequently became Senate Democratic leader.
An FNN review of these high-profile departures from 2020 through 2026 therefore identifies three sitting Democratic state lawmakers leaving the party:
Valdés: Democrat → Republican
Cassel: Democrat → Republican
Pizzo: Democrat → No Party Affiliation
FNN’s review did not identify a comparable sitting Republican Florida legislator who switched directly to the Democratic Party during the same period.
But the numbers reinforce the larger point: the movement of individual lawmakers accelerated a political shift that had already occurred through elections.
The Bigger Transformation Is Outside the Capitol
The change in Florida’s voter-registration balance has been even more dramatic than the movement inside the Legislature.
In 2020, Florida reported 5,315,954 active registered Democrats and 5,218,739 Republicans.
Democrats held an advantage of 97,215 voters.
As of July 31, 2026, Florida reported:
| Party affiliation | Active voters |
|---|---|
| Republican | 5,607,836 |
| Democratic | 4,066,503 |
| No Party Affiliation | 3,327,656 |
| Minor parties | 497,679 |
| Total | 13,499,674 |
Republicans now lead Democrats by 1,541,333 active registered voters, according to the Florida Division of Elections.
Measured from the Democratic advantage in 2020 to the Republican advantage in July 2026, the Republican-Democratic registration margin shifted by approximately 1.64 million voters.
That is one of the most important numbers for understanding Florida politics entering the 2026 general election.
But it also requires careful interpretation.
A decline in active Democratic registration cannot automatically be described as more than a million Democrats becoming Republicans.
Voter rolls change for multiple reasons, including deaths, people moving into or out of Florida, new registrations, inactive classifications, list maintenance and voters changing party affiliation.
The more defensible conclusion is narrower but still consequential:
Florida moved from a slight Democratic registration advantage in 2020 to a Republican advantage exceeding 1.5 million active voters by mid-2026.
That is a structural change extending far beyond a handful of lawmakers changing parties.
More Than 3.3 Million Voters Belong to Neither Major Party
There is another number that complicates any attempt to translate registration totals directly into election outcomes.
Florida had more than 3.32 million active voters registered with no party affiliation as of July 31.
That electorate is larger than the population of many states.
Those voters do not form a single ideological bloc, and their existence does not erase the GOP registration advantage. But they reinforce why statewide party registration alone cannot determine the outcome of individual legislative races.
Florida legislative elections are decided district by district.
Candidate quality, fundraising, turnout, district boundaries, local demographics, campaign organization and voter enthusiasm can produce outcomes that differ from statewide trends.
That distinction has become especially relevant in 2026.
Democrats Have Shown They Can Still Flip Republican-Held Seats
For Democrats, the strongest counterargument to the state’s broader Republican trend has come from actual election results.
Democrat Emily Gregory flipped House District 87 in a March 2026 special election, defeating Republican Jon Maples.
The result drew attention because Republican Mike Caruso had carried the district by roughly 19 percentage points in 2024.
Democrat Brian Nathan also flipped Senate District 14, defeating Republican Josie Tomkow by just over 400 votes.
Those results demonstrated that at least some Republican-held legislative districts remain competitive under the right electoral conditions.
Florida Democrats have also expanded year-round organizing and made breaking the Republican legislative supermajority a central objective of the 2026 cycle.
But special elections come with an important warning.
They typically involve smaller and sometimes substantially different electorates than November general elections.
Republicans have pointed to House District 35 as evidence of that difference. Democrat Tom Keen won the Orlando-area seat in a January 2024 special election, only for Republicans to reclaim it during the November general election.
The 2026 Democratic flips therefore provide evidence of competitiveness, not proof of a statewide reversal.
November will provide the larger test.
Republicans Have a Structural Advantage — But Still Must Defend It
The challenge facing Republicans is different.
They do not need to rebuild a legislative majority. They already possess one.
They enter the election with a House supermajority and a statewide registration advantage that would have been difficult to envision when Democrats still led voter registration in 2020.
The question is whether those structural advantages continue translating into legislative victories across Florida.
A statewide registration lead does not make every Republican-held district equally secure.
The Gregory and Nathan victories demonstrate that Democrats can still win Republican-held territory, particularly when turnout, candidate performance and district conditions align.
For Republicans, November therefore becomes a test of durability.
Can the party maintain the legislative gains it accumulated over multiple election cycles while defending districts Democrats now view as opportunities?
The Democratic Challenge Is Now Twofold: Win Seats and Keep Them
For Democrats, the experience following the 2024 election introduces another issue that cannot be measured solely on election night.
Political parties invest substantial resources recruiting candidates, raising money, organizing voters and winning legislative seats.
But caucus strength ultimately depends on keeping those lawmakers after they take office.
The Valdés and Cassel switches demonstrated how quickly that calculation can change.
Democrats won 35 House seats in November 2024. Weeks later, they had 33 members because two lawmakers elected as Democrats joined Republicans.
Pizzo’s departure presented a different version of the same organizational problem: Democrats lost their Senate leader even though he did not join the Republican Party.
That creates two separate measurements for Democratic rebuilding:
Electoral growth: Can Democrats increase the number of legislative seats they win?
Caucus stability: Can they retain the lawmakers elected as Democrats?
Winning without retention can limit rebuilding. Retention without winning additional districts leaves the party’s minority position largely unchanged.
Democrats need both if their objective is to reduce Republican legislative dominance.
Former Lawmakers Add Another Dimension to the Rebuilding Debate
The 2026 cycle also raises questions about how a minority party decides where to invest limited political resources.
Morales and Bush were members of the 42-seat Democratic House delegation elected in 2020. Both later left the Legislature and subsequently sought returns through Democratic primaries.
Their races, districts and political circumstances are different and should be evaluated separately.
But their candidacies illustrate a broader strategic issue facing any party attempting to rebuild:
How should resources be divided among defending incumbents, supporting challengers in opposition-held districts, recruiting newcomers and considering former lawmakers seeking a return to office?
There is no single formula.
A former legislator may bring name recognition, fundraising relationships and legislative experience. A newcomer may offer stronger district appeal or represent a changing electorate. An incumbent may require significant resources simply to prevent the party from losing another seat.
The effectiveness of those decisions ultimately can be measured by outcomes.
Does the party gain seats?
Does it protect vulnerable seats?
Does it expand into territory previously controlled by the opposition?
And does it retain the lawmakers it helped elect?
Those questions become particularly important when one party is operating from a substantial numerical disadvantage.
What Has Actually Changed Since 2024?
For Democrats, there are identifiable changes since the immediate aftermath of the 2024 election.
The Florida Democratic Party retained Nikki Fried as chair in 2025, expanded its year-round organizing operation and increased regional staffing ahead of the 2026 cycle.
The party has continued its Take Back Local initiative aimed at municipal and local races while placing greater emphasis on legislative contests.
And Democrats have produced tangible 2026 victories, including Republican-held legislative seats.
Those developments provide evidence of organizational activity and some electoral progress.
They have not, however, erased the larger structural imbalance.
Republicans still hold the legislative supermajority.
Republicans still lead statewide active voter registration by more than 1.54 million.
Democrats still must gain substantially more legislative ground before control of either chamber becomes competitive.
The most accurate description of the Democratic position heading toward November is therefore neither collapse nor comeback.
It is a rebuilding test whose results remain unresolved.
Why It Matters to Florida Voters
The significance extends beyond the internal fortunes of either political party.
A legislative supermajority can affect the balance of power in Tallahassee because it gives the majority party sufficient numbers to take actions that require more than a simple majority.
The size of the minority caucus also affects committee representation, legislative negotiations, the ability to sustain or challenge certain procedural actions and the overall political leverage available to the opposition.
That makes legislative competition relevant even when control of a chamber is not immediately in doubt.
For Democratic voters, 2026 provides a measurable test of whether the party can translate organizing and special-election victories into broader legislative gains.
For Republican voters, it tests whether the political coalition that produced the GOP’s current advantage remains durable in a general election.
For NPA and minor-party voters, it underscores the potential importance of voters outside either major party in competitive districts.
And for Florida voters generally, it provides a way to distinguish political narratives from measurable results.
The Numbers to Watch on Nov. 3
The 2026 general election is scheduled for Nov. 3. Florida’s voter-registration deadline is Oct. 5, with mandatory statewide early voting scheduled for Oct. 24-31.
Rather than judging Florida’s political direction from one race, three measurements will provide a clearer picture.
First: Legislative seats.
Do Democrats finish the election with more House and Senate seats than they entered with, or do Republicans maintain or expand their advantage?
Second: Republican registration advantage versus district results.
Does the GOP’s statewide registration lead translate consistently into legislative victories, or do Democrats continue outperforming the statewide environment in selected districts?
Third: Caucus stability.
After voters choose their lawmakers, do the members remain with the parties under whose banners they were elected?
Together, those measurements will provide a better indication of Florida’s direction than any isolated special election, party switch or registration statistic.
A Six-Year Transformation
The numbers tell the story clearly.
In 2020, Democrats held 42 Florida House seats, and Republicans were two seats short of a supermajority.
Democrats also held a 97,215-voter statewide registration advantage.
By 2024, Republicans had won 85 House seats, already exceeding the supermajority threshold.
Two Democratic defections subsequently increased the Republican House caucus to 87 while reducing Democrats to 33.
And by July 2026, Republicans held a statewide registration advantage of 1,541,333 active voters.
Those developments represent a profound shift in Florida politics.
But elections are snapshots, not permanent guarantees.
Democrats’ 2026 legislative flips show that Republican-held districts can still change hands. Republicans’ statewide numbers show the scale of the challenge Democrats face in turning isolated victories into sustained gains.
That is why Nov. 3 matters.
The central question is no longer simply whether Florida has moved toward Republicans. The electoral and registration numbers already establish that Republicans have gained substantial ground since 2020.
The unanswered question is whether that movement has reached a durable plateau — or whether Democrats have begun rebuilding enough support to reverse some of those losses.
The first meaningful statewide answer comes in November.
NEXT FNN ANALYSIS: Where Is the Money Going?
Election results are only one measure of rebuilding. Political investment is another.
FNN’s next examination should follow the money behind Florida House races: where Democratic political organizations are spending, which candidates receive institutional support, how much is directed toward Democratic primaries and how those expenditures compare with resources devoted to defending Democratic seats or challenging Republican-held districts.
That examination can include the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, campaign committees and related political spending while carefully distinguishing verified campaign-finance transactions from allegations or disputed claims involving individual campaigns.
The central question is measurable:
At a time when Democrats say they are trying to break the Republican supermajority, are Democratic political resources being deployed in ways that expand, protect or reduce the party’s representation in the Florida House?
That is a separate story — and one best answered through campaign-finance records rather than political rhetoric.
Florida
Nikki Fried Targets Donalds, Luna Over Affordability as Republicans Gather for Trump Convention
Published
3 days agoon
September 9, 2026Florida Democratic Party chair criticizes Florida Republicans over rising costs as GOP leaders rally around President Donald Trump ahead of November midterms
TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Florida Democratic Party Chair Nikki Fried criticized Republican U.S. Reps. Byron Donalds and Anna Paulina Luna on Wednesday, accusing them of supporting President Donald Trump’s economic agenda while Floridians face higher costs for gasoline, health care and other necessities.
Fried made the comments during a virtual press call as Republicans gathered in Dallas for an unusual two-day midterm convention centered heavily on Trump and his record in office. National reporting described the gathering as part convention, part campaign rally and fundraiser as Republicans seek to maintain congressional control in November.
FRIED TARGETS DONALDS AND LUNA
Fried accused Donalds and Luna of prioritizing their alliance with Trump over affordability concerns facing Florida families.
“Instead of fighting for a more affordable Florida, Luna and Donalds are jetting off to Texas to celebrate themselves and Trump,” Fried said, according to remarks released by the Florida Democratic Party.
Her comments were political criticism from the state Democratic Party and not an independent assessment of the lawmakers’ records.
Republicans at the Dallas convention, meanwhile, are promoting Trump’s record on taxes, border security, public safety and other issues while arguing that maintaining GOP control of Congress is necessary to advance the administration’s agenda. Trump told the convention that his administration is working to address affordability.
FLORIDA GAS PRICES ABOVE $4
Fried’s affordability argument comes as Florida motorists face substantially higher gasoline prices.
AAA reported Florida’s average price for regular gasoline at approximately $4.08 per gallon Wednesday, compared with about $3.06 a year earlier. The national average was about $4.22.
AAA has attributed recent national price pressure in part to crude-oil volatility and disruptions involving the Strait of Hormuz.
That broader context is important because gasoline prices are influenced by global oil markets, refining, supply and demand, taxes and geopolitical developments, rather than congressional votes alone.
HEALTH CARE ALSO EMERGES AS MIDTERM ISSUE
Fried also criticized Republicans over health care costs.
KFF data show substantial health insurance costs for Floridians purchasing coverage through the Affordable Care Act Marketplace. For 2026, KFF lists Florida’s average benchmark Marketplace premium at about $683 per month.
KFF has reported that many Marketplace consumers nationally experienced increased costs following the expiration at the end of 2025 of enhanced premium tax credits originally enacted under the American Rescue Plan and later extended through the Inflation Reduction Act.
The Florida Democratic Party release cited a $591 KFF figure as evidence of increased premiums. However, KFF’s underlying table identifies $591 in connection with Florida’s average advance premium tax credit, not simply as a $591 monthly increase in premiums. FNN therefore is not characterizing that figure as a $591 premium increase.
TRUMP TAKES CENTER STAGE IN DALLAS
The Democratic criticism comes as Trump puts himself at the center of Republican efforts ahead of the November midterms.
The Dallas gathering on Sept. 9-10 is an unusual midterm national convention rather than the presidential nominating conventions traditionally held every four years. Trump is playing a prominent role, with Republican leaders using the gathering to promote the administration’s record and mobilize voters.
Democrats are using the convention for their own counterprogramming, focusing heavily on affordability and the economy. Republicans, in turn, have used the event to attack Democratic positions and argue that Trump’s policies have strengthened the country.
For Florida, that national political fight has particular significance: Donalds is the Republican nominee for governor, while Luna is among Florida’s most prominent Trump-aligned members of Congress.
With the November election approaching, both parties are increasingly framing affordability, health care and the cost of living as central arguments to Florida voters.
Central Florida News
State House Democratic Nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago Faces Defamation Lawsuit, Election Law Investigation
Published
3 days agoon
September 9, 2026Civil discovery and Florida Elections Commission investigation could broaden evidentiary inquiry, potentially reaching records and witnesses including Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer and School Board Chair-elect Angie Gallo.
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Democratic Florida House nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago heads toward the November general election with an unresolved defamation lawsuit and Florida Elections Commission investigation stemming from disputed political communications distributed during his Aug. 18 Democratic primary against former state Rep. Daisy Morales.
Then-Orange County School Board member and Florida House District 43 candidate Johanna López, left, Samuel Vilchez Santiago, center, and then-political newcomer and Florida House District 44 candidate Jennifer “Rita” Harris, right, campaign together during the 2022 election cycle. Vilchez Santiago and López supported Harris in her Democratic primary challenge against then-state Rep. Daisy Morales. Contemporary reporting confirms Harris received support from both López and Vilchez Santiago.
A POLITICAL RIVALRY DATING TO 2020
The 2026 Florida House District 43 Democratic primary was a rematch of the 2020 House District 48 primary, when Morales defeated Vilchez Santiago. Johanna López served as Vilchez Santiago’s campaign manager and José Gamboa as deputy campaign manager during that race.
Their political rivalry continued after 2020. Vilchez Santiago supported Democratic candidates challenging Morales in subsequent election cycles, including her 2022 reelection campaign, before facing her again in 2026.
That history provides context for the current dispute. The contested 2026 communications emerged from a political rivalry spanning multiple election cycles, rather than a first-time contest.
Morales alleges Vilchez Santiago and the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) falsely portrayed her as supporting Republican candidates and Gov. Ron DeSantis, while also misrepresenting her standing in the Democratic Party. Those allegations are now part of pending legal proceedings and have not been adjudicated.
Florida Politics independently reported Aug. 15 that Morales sued Vilchez Santiago and FHDCC over mailers accusing her of backing Republicans and stating that she had been expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.
Ongoing lawsuit and Florida Elections Commission investigation could broaden the scope of evidence and records examined, with potential witnesses including Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer and Orange County School Board Chair-elect Angie Gallo
No court or state agency has determined that Vilchez Santiago, FHDCC or another person committed defamation, violated Florida election law or committed a crime. The allegations remain disputed and subject to separate legal processes.
But FNN’s continuing investigation has assembled a growing documentary record that could be tested through civil discovery or an authorized state election investigation.
That record includes Republican attorney Joel Montilla’s statement that Morales did not endorse his campaign; the original context of a years-old photograph of Morales with DeSantis; Orange Democrats’ 2022 praise of Morales; her 97% People First legislative rating; Vilchez Santiago’s own 2024 public comments concerning Democrats supporting a Republican candidate; and documentary material showing Democratic Orange County School Board member Angie Gallo served as Montilla’s campaign manager and publicly endorsed him.
The central question is increasingly straightforward:
What information existed before the disputed representations were presented to Democratic voters, and what did the people responsible for creating, approving and distributing those communications know?
TWO PROCEEDINGS, TWO PATHS TO THE EVIDENCE
The dispute is unfolding through two separate legal processes with different purposes and powers.
Morales’ defamation lawsuit against Vilchez Santiago and FHDCC is a civil court proceeding.
Subject to Florida’s civil procedure rules, relevance requirements, privileges, objections and judicial supervision, discovery can potentially be used to obtain relevant documents, electronically stored information and sworn testimony.
The Florida Elections Commission investigation is separate.
Florida law gives the commission jurisdiction over alleged violations of Chapters 104 and 106 properly brought before it. The commission investigates alleged violations specifically contained in a qualifying sworn complaint or information reported by the Division of Elections.
The distinction matters.
The court determines the civil claims before it.
The Elections Commission determines alleged Election Code violations within its statutory jurisdiction.
Neither proceeding automatically determines the outcome of the other.
MONTILLA: MORALES DID NOT ENDORSE MY CAMPAIGN
One of the central factual disputes involves attorney Joel Montilla, a Republican who ran for the nonpartisan Orange County Commission District 5 seat in 2024.
Morales’ name appeared on a host committee associated with Montilla’s campaign kickoff. Morales maintains that participating on the committee was not an endorsement.
Montilla subsequently told Florida National News that Morales did not endorse his campaign and that her involvement was limited to the host committee.
According to Montilla’s account to FNN, Democrats and Republicans participated in the campaign kickoff.
That distinction could become important because the challenged political communications portrayed Morales as having endorsed Republican candidates.
Campaign finance record showing a $100 contribution from attorney Joel Montilla to Samuel Vilchez Santiago’s HD 43 campaign on Jan. 30, 2026. The contribution is highlighted for emphasis. FNN illustration.
FNN’s investigation also found that Montilla contributed $100 to Vilchez Santiago’s 2026 House campaign.
FNN further documented Vilchez Santiago and Montilla appearing within overlapping Puerto Rican civic and professional circles.
Those facts do not establish wrongdoing or knowledge of falsity.
They raise a narrower factual question:
Was Montilla asked whether Morales endorsed him before his campaign was used to support that allegation?
ANGIE GALLO’S ROLE COULD SHARPEN THE ENDORSEMENT QUESTION
Another potentially important comparison involves Democratic Orange County School Board member Angie Gallo.
Documentary material reviewed by FNN identifies Gallo as campaign manager for Montilla’s Orange County Commission campaign.
Separate campaign material also publicly announced Gallo’s endorsement of Montilla.
That creates a materially different record from the evidence involving Morales.
Gallo is documented as both an active campaign participant and an announced supporter of Montilla. Morales, by contrast, is documented on a host committee, while Montilla himself says Morales did not endorse him.
That distinction could matter if the litigation or election proceeding examines how an endorsement was defined and what evidence existed to support the claim that Morales endorsed Republican candidates.
It could also raise another verification question:
Before Vilchez Santiago publicly repeated or approved the allegation concerning Morales, did he ask Gallo — Montilla’s campaign manager and a publicly identified endorser — whether Morales had actually endorsed the campaign?
That question does not presume that Vilchez Santiago asked Gallo, failed to ask her, or knew what she would have said.
It identifies a potential firsthand witness who, because of her documented campaign role, may have possessed direct knowledge about how the Montilla campaign identified campaign managers, endorsers, host-committee members and other supporters.
GALLO AND VILCHEZ SANTIAGO MOVED IN OVERLAPPING DEMOCRATIC CIRCLES
FNN’s prior reporting and documentary material also place Gallo and Vilchez Santiago in overlapping Orange County Democratic political circles.
That relationship does not establish that they discussed Morales or the Montilla campaign.
But if discovery examines what avenues were available to verify the endorsement allegation, their political relationship could become relevant to the narrower question of access to firsthand information.
A court or authorized investigator could potentially examine whether Vilchez Santiago contacted Montilla, Gallo or another person directly involved with the campaign before the allegation was disseminated.
Whether Gallo would actually become a witness or receive a subpoena would depend on relevance, procedural rules, objections and the scope of the proceeding.
Her inclusion in the article should therefore be understood as a potential fact-witness issue, not an allegation of wrongdoing.
Then-newly elected Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Orange County Soil and Water Conservation District Supervisor Daisy Morales attend a Florida agriculture-related event at the Florida State Fair in February 2019. The photograph predates Morales’ election to the Florida House in 2020. Photo provided to FNN.
FNN TRACES DESANTIS PHOTO TO 2019 STATE FAIR
FNN also investigated a photograph used to associate Morales politically with DeSantis.
The photograph was not taken during the 2026 campaign or during Morales’ service in the Florida House.
FNN traced the photograph to February 2019 at the Florida State Fair, where Morales was serving as an elected Orange County Soil and Water Conservation District supervisor.
DeSantis had recently taken office as Florida’s Republican governor. Morales had been reelected to the nonpartisan conservation district and would not be elected to the Florida House until November 2020.
Then-Florida Agriculture Commissioner Nikki Fried, left, and Orange County Soil and Water Conservation District Supervisor Daisy Morales, second from right, attend an agriculture-related event at the Florida State Fair in February 2019. The photograph provides additional context surrounding Morales’ participation in the event where she was also photographed with Gov. Ron DeSantis. Photo provided to FNN.
FNN’s records also show Morales participating in the agriculture-related event with newly elected Democratic Agriculture Commissioner Nikki Fried.
The photograph establishes that Morales and DeSantis appeared together at an event involving Florida agriculture.
Standing alone, it does not establish that Morales endorsed DeSantis or supported his political agenda.
Whether the photograph, accompanying language and overall presentation created a false or defamatory implication is a question governed by the claims, evidence and applicable law in the civil case.
Then-Orange County Democratic Party Chair Wes Hodge, left, then-state Rep. Daisy Morales, center, and then-Orange County Democratic Party Vice Chair Jennifer “Rita” Harris, right, are pictured in March 2022 as Orange Democrats publicly recognized Morales’ work in Tallahassee. The party’s post thanked Morales for her work on behalf of Orange County and said, “We appreciate everything you have done to fight for our values in Tallahassee this year.”
ORANGE DEMOCRATS PREVIOUSLY PRAISED MORALES
FNN also reviewed contemporaneous documentary material showing that the Orange County Democratic organization publicly praised Morales during her legislative tenure.
A 2022 Orange Democrats post thanked Morales for her work on behalf of Orange County and stated:
“We appreciate everything you have done to fight for our values in Tallahassee this year.”
At the time, Wes Hodge served as Orange County Democratic Party chair and Jennifer “Rita” Harris served as vice chair.
FNN’s documentary materials also show Morales receiving recognition during that period along with other Orange County Democratic state lawmakers.
The significance is chronological.
The recognition does not establish that Morales could not subsequently have violated a party rule. It does document how local Democratic leadership publicly characterized her before the later loyalty dispute.
By February 2024, an Orange County Democratic membership record reviewed by FNN identified Morales’ position as:
“Vacant — Oath Loyalty Violation.”
That creates questions potentially capable of being answered through original party records:
What occurred between the 2022 recognition and the 2024 vacancy designation? What rule was invoked? What process was followed? Was there a formal expulsion? What documents and votes support that characterization?
97% PEOPLE FIRST RATING ADDS LEGISLATIVE CONTEXT
Morales’ legislative voting record provides another contemporaneous reference point.
Florida’s People First Report Card identified Morales as a Democrat representing Orlando’s House District 48 and awarded her an A, or 97%, for the 2022 legislative session.
The rating does not establish Morales’ position on every issue and does not resolve the pending defamation claims.
It does provide a contemporaneous measurement of her voting record while serving as a Democratic state representative.
Rep. Yvonne Hayes Hinson, D-Gainesville, Rep. Daisy Morales, D-Orlando, Rep. Tray McCurdy, D-Orlando (in front) and Rep. Angie Nixon, D-Jacksonville, protest on the Florida Seal as debate is halted in the House of Representatives Thursday, April 21, 2022, at the Capitol in Tallahassee, Fla. The session was halted by the protest, but continued after a brief recess. Phil Sears AP
MIAMI HERALD DOCUMENTED MORALES IN DESANTIS MAP PROTEST
Morales’ legislative record also includes a highly public confrontation over a major DeSantis-backed initiative.
On April 21, 2022, Democratic lawmakers disrupted Florida House proceedings during debate over a congressional redistricting map drawn by the governor’s staff.
The Miami Herald documented the protest and Morales’ participation alongside Democratic lawmakers challenging the map.
Morales held a sign declaring:
“Legislators serve the people. Not your party.”
Democratic lawmakers sang “We Shall Overcome,” and the confrontation interrupted House proceedings before lawmakers returned and passed the map.
The Miami Herald coverage is significant because it was published contemporaneously in 2022 — years before the HD 43 primary, the disputed mailers or Morales’ lawsuit.
NBC NEWS CORRECTED NATIONAL RECORD TO IDENTIFY MORALES
The House-floor confrontation also received national coverage from NBC News.
NBC reported on Democratic lawmakers disrupting Florida House proceedings over the DeSantis congressional map.
Of particular significance, NBC subsequently issued a correction after initially misidentifying the Hispanic representative participating in the protest.
The correction specifically identified Daisy Morales.
Together, NBC’s national reporting, the Miami Herald’s coverage, Associated Press photography and FNN’s contemporaneous reporting independently document Morales’ participation in the confrontation.
That does not establish that Morales opposed every DeSantis policy or never worked across party lines.
It does provide historical evidence against which broad representations concerning her political alignment with DeSantis or Republicans can be evaluated.
VILCHEZ SANTIAGO’S 2024 STATEMENT ADDS CONTEXT TO PARTY-LOYALTY DISPUTE
A statement Vilchez Santiago made while serving as chairman of the Orange County Democratic Executive Committee provides another contemporaneous record concerning cross-party political activity.
On Aug. 26, 2024, Winter Park Voice reported that Democratic Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer had endorsed Republican former Winter Park Mayor Steve Leary in the nonpartisan Orange County Commission District 5 race.
The report also documented that other Democrats supported Leary.
Winter Park Voice interviewed Vilchez Santiago in his capacity as chairman of the Orange County Democratic organization. He said his organization had sent texts and mailers informing voters that Leary was a Republican rather than a Democrat.
Vilchez Santiago said that effort was intended to educate voters and was not undertaken specifically in response to Dyer’s endorsement.
That 2024 statement does not establish that party rules were selectively enforced against Morales.
It does create a contemporaneous comparison:
How did Vilchez Santiago and the Orange County Democratic organization distinguish among cross-party endorsements, participation in nonpartisan campaigns, voter education and conduct considered serious enough to trigger formal party discipline?
GALLO COMPARISON COULD TEST HOW PARTY RULES WERE APPLIED
Gallo’s documented involvement with Montilla adds another layer to that comparison.
If Gallo was subject to the same Orange County Democratic Executive Committee loyalty requirements as Morales at the relevant time, discovery could potentially examine how the party treated Gallo’s documented campaign-management and endorsement activity compared with Morales’ disputed host-committee participation.
But that threshold must first be established.
A registered Democrat is not necessarily a Democratic Executive Committee member subject to the same internal loyalty rules.
The relevant questions therefore would include:
Was Gallo an ODEC member at the relevant time?
Was Morales subject to the same rule?
What did the applicable loyalty oath actually prohibit?
Did the rules distinguish between endorsement, campaign management, host-committee participation and attendance at a nonpartisan campaign event?
Were comparable cases treated similarly?
The answers should come from membership records, bylaws, loyalty-oath provisions, disciplinary records and testimony rather than political assumptions.
CROSS-PARTY POLITICAL ACTIVITY COULD TEST PARTY-RULE CLAIMS
The broader cross-party record could also potentially include testimony or documents involving Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer, Orange County Commissioner Michael Scott, Angie Gallo or other Democrats and Republicans if their experiences become relevant to a legally permitted issue.
Their possible relevance does not mean they are defendants, investigation targets or accused of misconduct.
The evidentiary purpose would be narrower: determining whether comparable political activity occurred and how party rules were interpreted or enforced.
DISCOVERY COULD TEST WHO KNEW WHAT — AND WHEN
The civil lawsuit could move the dispute beyond campaign statements and into original records and sworn testimony.
The original 2019 DeSantis photograph could establish its complete context.
The Montilla materials could establish precisely what involvement Morales had with his campaign.
Gallo could potentially provide firsthand information about the Montilla campaign’s endorsement practices.
Party records could establish what action was actually taken concerning Morales’ membership.
And Vilchez Santiago’s 2024 statements could be compared against the organization’s actual treatment of other cross-party political activity.
The resulting questions include:
Who originated the allegation that Morales endorsed Montilla?
What evidence supported it?
Was Montilla contacted?
Was Angie Gallo, Montilla’s campaign manager and announced endorser, contacted?
What information did they provide, if any?
Who provided the endorsement allegation to FHDCC?
What did Vilchez Santiago review before approving the communication?
What official records supported the representation concerning Morales’ Democratic Party status?
How had comparable cross-party activity previously been handled?
Was contradictory information available before publication?
FLORIDA ELECTIONS COMMISSION HAS SEPARATE INVESTIGATIVE AUTHORITY
The Florida Elections Commission proceeding presents another potential route for developing evidence.
Under Florida Statute 106.26, the commission has substantial subpoena authority when carrying out its statutory responsibilities.
The commission may subpoena qualifying persons and require production of records relevant to an investigation, including certain records and accounts of banks and trust companies doing business in Florida. Authorized representatives may administer oaths, and the commission can seek circuit-court enforcement when a witness fails to comply with a lawful subpoena.
That authority could permit an authorized investigation to test public allegations against underlying documents and testimony.
The filing of a complaint, however, does not itself establish that a violation occurred.
SUBPOENA POWER COULD MOVE THE DISPUTE BEYOND POLITICAL RHETORIC
Political accusations ordinarily can be answered with competing political statements.
A lawful subpoena operates differently.
That could make the distinction among Montilla, Gallo and Morales particularly relevant.
Montilla can address whether he received an endorsement.
Gallo potentially can address the internal operation of Montilla’s campaign and how endorsements were identified.
Morales can address the nature of her own involvement.
Other records could show what information Vilchez Santiago, FHDCC or political consultants possessed before the disputed communications were approved and distributed.
Whether any of those individuals is actually subpoenaed would remain a decision for the legally authorized body.
COULD EVIDENCE REACH OTHER STATE OR FEDERAL AUTHORITIES?
Potentially — but the legal distinction remains important.
A defamation lawsuit does not become a criminal prosecution because evidence emerges during discovery.
A Florida Elections Commission proceeding likewise is not automatically a criminal investigation merely because the commission has investigative powers.
Florida Statute 106.25 expressly preserves the jurisdiction of other government officers and agencies independently empowered by law to investigate, act upon or dispose of alleged Election Code violations.
Evidence developed through civil discovery or an authorized election investigation therefore could potentially be considered by another authority if it falls within that authority’s independent jurisdiction.
Depending upon the facts and applicable law, that potentially could include a local state attorney, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, the Florida attorney general or Office of Statewide Prosecution, or federal investigative or prosecutorial authorities where an independent federal jurisdictional basis exists.
Those agencies do not possess interchangeable authority.
The legally appropriate progression is:
Evidence → applicable law → jurisdiction → agency review or investigation → prosecutorial decision, if warranted.
REFERRAL, INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION ARE DIFFERENT
A request for another agency to review evidence is not the same as confirmation that an investigation has begun.
An agency receiving information must make its own assessment of jurisdiction and evidence.
It could decline to act, request more information, conduct a preliminary review, open an investigation or pursue another action authorized by law.
PRESERVATION OF ORIGINAL EVIDENCE COULD BECOME IMPORTANT
As the documentary record grows, preservation of original materials could become increasingly important to both the defamation lawsuit and Florida Elections Commission investigation.
Potentially relevant materials could include original photographs and metadata, emails, party records, endorsement materials and communications concerning the creation, approval and distribution of the disputed campaign messages.
There is no finding that evidence has been destroyed, concealed, fabricated or altered. Any allegation of evidence tampering or improper destruction would require separate supporting facts and legal analysis.
Preservation nevertheless matters because original records can allow courts and authorized investigators to determine what information existed, when it existed, who possessed it and whether later representations accurately reflected the underlying record.
WHAT’S AT STAKE: THE EVIDENCE NOW MATTERS
Vilchez Santiago won the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election did not resolve the allegations now before the civil court and Florida Elections Commission.
The lawsuit and election proceeding could move the dispute beyond campaign rhetoric to documents, electronic communications, witnesses, subpoenas and sworn testimony — testing what was presented to voters, what evidence supported it and what those responsible knew before publication.
Montilla’s denial that Morales endorsed him, Gallo’s documented role as Montilla’s campaign manager and public endorser, and the broader party record sharpen a central question: Could the disputed claims have been verified before they reached voters?
Vilchez Santiago now heads toward the November general election as the Democratic nominee while those legal questions remain unresolved.
For FNN, the story no longer ends with what was said during the campaign. It now turns on what the evidence can prove.
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