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George H.W. Bush, ‘kinder and gentler’ president, dies at 94

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HOUSTON (AP) — He was the man who sought a “kinder, and gentler nation,” and the one who sternly invited Americans to read his lips — he would not raise taxes. He was the popular leader of a mighty coalition that dislodged Iraq from Kuwait, and was turned out of the presidency after a single term. Blue-blooded and genteel, he was elected in one of the nastiest campaigns in recent history.

George Herbert Walker Bush was many things, including only the second American to see his son follow him into the nation’s highest office. But more than anything else, he was a believer in government service. Few men or women have served America in more capacities than the man known as “Poppy.”

“There is no higher honor than to serve free men and women, no greater privilege than to labor in government beneath the Great Seal of the United States and the American flag,” he told senior staffers in 1989, days after he took office.

Bush, who died at age 94 — nearly eight months after his wife of 73 years died at their Houston home — was a congressman, an ambassador to the United Nations and envoy to China, chairman of the Republican National Committee, director of the CIA, two-term vice president and, finally, president.

George H.W. Bush, whose presidency soared with the coalition victory over Iraq in Kuwait, but then plummeted in the throes of a weak economy that led voters to turn him out of office after one term, has died. He was 94 (Dec 1)

He was no ideologue — he spoke disparagingly of “the vision thing,” and derided the supply-side creed of his future boss, Ronald Reagan, as “voodoo economics.” He is generally given better marks by historians for his foreign policy achievements than for his domestic record, but assessments of his presidency tend to be tepid.

“Was George Bush only a nice man with good connections, who seldom had to wrest from life the honors it frequently bestowed on him?” journalist Tom Wicker asked in his Bush biography.

Wicker’s answer: Perhaps. But he said Bush’s actions in Kuwait “reflect moments of courage and vision worthy of his office.”

The Persian Gulf War — dubbed “Operation Desert Storm” — was his greatest mark on history. In a January 2011 interview marking the war’s 20th anniversary, he said the mission sent a message that “the United States was willing to use force way across the world, even in that part of the world where those countries over there thought we never would intervene.”

“I think it was a signature historical event,” he added. “And I think it will always be.”

After Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, Bush quickly began building an international military coalition that included other Arab states. After freeing Kuwait , he rejected suggestions that the U.S. carry the offensive to Baghdad, choosing to end the hostilities a mere 100 hours after the start of the ground offensive.

“That wasn’t our objective,” he said. “The good thing about it is there was so much less loss of human life than had been predicted, and indeed than we might have feared.”

But the decisive military defeat did not lead to the regime’s downfall, as many in the administration had hoped.

“I miscalculated,” Bush acknowledged. The Iraqi leader was eventually ousted in 2003, in the war led by Bush’s son that was followed by a long, bloody insurgency.

Unlike his son, who never served in the military, the elder Bush was a bona fide war hero. He joined the Navy on his 18th birthday in 1942 over the objections of his father, Prescott, who wanted him to stay in school. At one point the youngest pilot in the Navy, he flew 58 missions off the carrier USS San Jacinto.

His wartime exploits won him the Distinguished Flying Cross for bravery. He was shot down on Sept. 2, 1944, while completing a bombing run against a Japanese radio tower. Eight others who were shot down in that mission were captured and executed, and several were eaten by their captors. But an American submarine rescued Bush. Even then, he was an inveterate collector of friends: Aboard the sub Finback, “I made friendships that have lasted a lifetime,” he would write.

This was a man who hand wrote thousands of thank you notes — each one personalized, each one quickly dispatched. Even his political adversaries would acknowledge his exquisite manners. Admonished by his mother to put others first, he rarely used the personal pronoun “I,” a quirk exploited by comedian Dana Carvey in his “Saturday Night Live” impressions of the president.

Bush was born June 12, 1924, in Milton, Massachusetts. His father, the son of an Ohio steel magnate, had moved east to make his fortune as an investment banker with Brown Brothers, Harriman, and later served 10 years as a senator from Connecticut. His mother, Dorothy Walker Bush, was the daughter of a sportsman who gave golf its Walker’s Cup.

Competitive athletics were a passion for the Bushes, whether at home in Greenwich, Connecticut, or during long summers spent at Walker’s Point, the family’s oceanfront retreat in Kennebunkport, Maine. Bush, along with his three brothers and one sister, had lives of privilege seemingly untouched by the Great Depression.

Young Bush attended Greenwich Country Day School and later Phillips Academy at Andover, Massachusetts, where he was senior class president and captain of the baseball and soccer teams. It was there, at a dance, that he met Barbara Pierce, daughter of the publisher of McCall’s magazine. George and Bar would marry when he left the Navy in January 1945. They were together for more than seven decades, becoming the longest-married presidential couple in U.S. history. She died on April 17, 2018.

Out of the service, Bush resumed his education at Yale. Lean and 6-foot-2, he distinguished himself as first baseman and captain of the baseball team, which went to the College World Series twice . He took just 2½ years to graduate Phi Beta Kappa.

But rather than joining his father on Wall Street, in 1948 he loaded his wife and young son George W. into the family Studebaker and drove to the hot, dusty Texas oil patch to take a job as an equipment clerk for the International Derrick and Equipment Co.

He did everything from painting oil pumps and selling oilfield equipment to discovering a taste for Lone Star beer and chicken fried steaks. At first, the family lived in Odessa in a two-apartment shotgun house with a shared bathroom; by 1955, they would own a house in Midland, and Bush would be co-owner of the Zapata Petroleum Corp.

By the turn of the decade, the family — and Bush’s business — had moved to Houston. There, he got his start in politics, the traditional Bush family business. A handsome and well-spoken war hero, he was sought as a candidate by both parties. He chose the Republicans.

Bush lost his first race, a 1964 challenge to Sen. Ralph Yarborough, but won a seat in the House in 1966. He won re-election in 1968 without opposition. In Congress, he generally supported President Richard Nixon and the war in Vietnam.

In 1970, he tried for the Senate again. Yarborough was upset in the Democratic primary by Lloyd Bentsen, and Bentsen defeated Bush in the general election. Eighteen years later, Bentsen would be the Democratic vice-presidential nominee on the ticket that lost to Bush and his running mate, Dan Quayle.

Nixon appointed Bush ambassador to the United Nations and, after the 1972 election, named him chairman of the Republican National Committee. Bush struggled to hold the party together as Watergate destroyed the Nixon presidency. He urged Nixon to quit one day before the president resigned in August 1974.

Denied the vice presidency by Gerald Ford in favor of Nelson Rockefeller, Bush was given his choice of jobs and surprised Ford by asking to head the small mission in Beijing. Then, in 1975, Ford put Bush in charge of the Central Intelligence Agency, beset by congressional probing and allegations of assassination plots and domestic spying.

Bush returned to private life when the Republicans lost the presidency in 1976, but he quickly began planning his own run for the White House.

He won the first contest of 1980, the Iowa caucuses, and boasted that he had the “big mo,” his slang for momentum. But Reagan, who had led the conservative movement for more than a decade, won the New Hampshire primary and the nomination. His choice of Bush as his running mate was a near thing. Reagan — still smarting from Bush’s ridicule of “voodoo economics,” first wanted to pick Gerald Ford, and asked Bush only after negotiations broke down. They went on to defeat Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale.

In 1988, many Democrats assumed Bush would be easy pickings. He was the man “born with a silver foot in his mouth,” as fellow Texan Ann Richards jibed at the Democrats’ convention in Atlanta. He trailed Michael Dukakis by as many as 17 points that summer. Bush did little to help himself by picking Quayle, a lightly regarded junior senator from Indiana, as a running mate.

The campaign was bitter and muddy. Advised by campaign manager Lee Atwater, Bush became an aggressor, wrapping himself in patriotic themes and settings — even visiting a flag factory — while flaying Dukakis as an out-of-touch liberal. Commercials hammered Dukakis for a prison furlough policy that allowed murderer Willie Horton to rape a woman while out on a weekend pass.

Bush won by a landslide, with 40 states and a nearly 7 million vote plurality, becoming the first sitting vice president to win the White House since Martin Van Buren in 1836. He entered office with a reputation as a man of indecision and indeterminate views. A wimp, one newsmagazine suggested.

But his work-hard, play-hard approach to the presidency won broad public approval. He held more news conferences in most months than Reagan did in most years.

He pledged to make the United States a “kinder, gentler” nation and called on Americans to volunteer their time for good causes — an effort he said would create “a thousand points of light.”

It was Bush’s violation of a different pledge, the no-new-taxes promise, that helped sink his bid for a second term. He abandoned the idea in his second year, cutting a deficit-reduction deal that angered many congressional Republicans and contributed to GOP losses in the 1990 midterm elections.

He also set out to be “the education president,” but did little more than call on states and local communities to stiffen their school standards.

Bush, an avid outdoorsman who took Theodore Roosevelt as a model, sought to safeguard the environment, signing the first improvements to the Clean Air Act in more than a decade. It was activism with a Republican cast, allowing polluters to buy others’ clean air credits and giving industry flexibility on how to meet tougher goals on smog.

He also signed the landmark Americans with Disabilities Act to ban workplace discrimination against people with disabilities and require improved access to public places and transportation.

Months after the Gulf War, Washington became engrossed in a different sort of confrontation over one of Bush’s nominees to the Supreme Court — Clarence Thomas, a little-known federal appeals court judge. After a former colleague named Anita Hill accused Thomas of sexual harassment, Thomas’ confirmation hearings exploded into a national spectacle, sparking an intense debate over race, gender and the modern workplace. He was eventually confirmed.

Seven years of economic growth ended in mid-1990, just as the Gulf crisis unfolded. Bush insisted the recession would be “short and shallow,” and lawmakers did not even try to pass a jobs bill or other relief measures.

Bill Clinton took advantage of the nation’s economic fears, and a third-party bid from independent Ross Perot added to Bush’s challenge in seeking a second term.

In the closing days of the 1992 campaign, Bush fought the impression that he was distant and disconnected and seemed to struggle against his younger, more empathetic opponent.

During a campaign visit to a grocers’ convention, Bush reportedly expressed amazement when shown an electronic checkout scanner — a damaging moment that suggested to many Americans that he was disconnected from voters. Later at a town-hall-style debate, he paused to look at his wristwatch — a seemingly innocent glance that became freighted with deeper meaning because it seemed to reinforce the idea of a bored, impatient incumbent.

In the same debate, Bush became confused by a woman’s question about whether the deficit had affected him personally. Clinton, with apparent ease, left his seat, walked to the edge of the stage to address the woman and offered a sympathetic answer.

“I lost in ’92 because people still thought the economy was in the tank, that I was out of touch and I didn’t understand that,” he said. “The economy wasn’t in the tank and I wasn’t out of touch, but I lost. I couldn’t get through this hue and cry for ‘change, change, change’ and ‘The economy is horrible, still in recession.’

“Did I hurt when I lost the election? Sure. There’s a feeling of letting others down.”

This was not the first heartbreak in Bush’s life, or the worst. In 1953, his 3-year-old daughter, Robin, died of leukemia. Sixty years later, he teared up when he talked about her with biographer John Meacham. “Normally I push it away, push it back,” he said.

Barbara and George Bush had four sons and another daughter: John, known as Jeb, the former Florida governor who sought the Republican presidential nomination in 2016; Neil, Marvin, and Dorothy; and George, president 43 to his father’s 41. The day George W. Bush took office, the elder Bush signed a letter “the proudest father in the whole wide world.”

Mostly, he stayed out of the public eye. Summoned by his son, Bush joined with Bill Clinton to raise money for relief after the Southeast Asian tsunami in 2004. He piloted his speedboat, played tennis and golf. On his 72nd, 80th, 85th and 90th birthdays, he reprised his World War II parachute jumps.

Quietly, occasionally, he counseled his son, the president. Mostly, he served as a cheerleader.

On the day George W. sent forces to attack Iraq, he also sent his father a letter. “I know what you went through,” he wrote.

The senior Bush responded that his son was “doing the right thing,” a decision made “with strength and compassion.” But he ended his note with the words of a little girl, dead a half-century.

“Remember Robin’s words ‘I love you more than tongue can tell,’” he wrote. “Well, I do.”

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Politics

Congressman Maxwell Frost, Sen. Blumenthal Introduce Right to Record Act to Protect First Amendment Rights

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WASHINGTON, D.C. (FNN) — U.S. Rep. Maxwell Alejandro Frost and U.S. Sen. Richard Blumenthal have introduced the Right to Record Act, federal legislation aimed at protecting Americans’ First Amendment rights to record, observe, and peacefully protest federal law enforcement activities.

The legislation would establish a legal pathway for individuals to sue federal law enforcement officers who violate constitutional rights while citizens are lawfully recording government activity.

According to the bill’s sponsors, the measure is intended to strengthen government transparency and accountability by protecting the public’s ability to document interactions with federal agencies, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Growing Concerns Over Transparency

The legislation comes amid ongoing protests and demonstrations outside the Delaney Hall detention facility in New Jersey, where advocates, journalists, and community members have reported instances of harassment while attempting to document conditions at the facility.

Supporters of the bill argue that Americans currently face significant legal barriers when seeking accountability for constitutional rights violations committed by individual federal officers.

“The First Amendment protects the rights to assemble, protest, and record government officials in public,” Frost said. “That right has never been more important. Without firsthand recordings, false narratives can become the official story. The Right to Record Act would protect the public’s ability to expose the truth without fear and provide a legal remedy when constitutional rights are violated.”

Strengthening First Amendment Protections

Blumenthal said video recordings have played a critical role in documenting alleged misconduct by government officials and ensuring public accountability.

“The right to bear witness has never been more important,” Blumenthal said. “This legislation strengthens the rights to record, observe, and peacefully protest while creating meaningful enforcement mechanisms for First Amendment protections that are foundational to our democracy.”

Civil Rights Organizations Back Legislation

The bill has received support from civil rights and immigrant advocacy organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the Florida Immigration Coalition (FLIC).

Jenna Leventoff, senior policy counsel for the ACLU, said the ability to observe and document law enforcement activities is essential for government accountability.

“The right to observe and record law enforcement is fundamental to our democracy,” Leventoff said. “Americans cannot hold government accountable if they cannot see for themselves what government officials are doing in their communities.”

Supporters say the legislation would help ensure transparency, deter misconduct, and provide Americans with stronger legal protections when exercising their First Amendment rights.

Key Provisions of the Right to Record Act

  • Protects the right to record federal law enforcement officers performing official duties in public.
  • Protects the rights to observe and peacefully protest government activity.
  • Creates a civil cause of action allowing individuals to sue federal officers who violate these constitutional rights.
  • Strengthens accountability and transparency within federal agencies.
  • Provides legal remedies for Americans whose First Amendment rights are infringed.

The legislation has been introduced in both the U.S. House and Senate and awaits further congressional consideration.

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Sports

GM Brands Dominate Detroit as Cadillac and Corvette Capture IMSA Chevrolet Detroit Sports Car Classic Wins

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DETROIT (FNN SPORTS) — Cadillac and Chevrolet celebrated a historic hometown sweep Saturday as both General Motors brands captured class victories in the IMSA WeatherTech SportsCar Championship’s Chevrolet Detroit Sports Car Classic.

Competing in the shadow of General Motors’ Renaissance Center headquarters along the Detroit Riverwalk, the No. 31 Cadillac Whelen Cadillac V-Series.R driven by Jack Aitken and Earl Bamber dominated the 100-minute race to secure the overall victory and Grand Touring Prototype (GTP) class win.

In Grand Touring Daytona Pro (GTD PRO), Antonio Garcia and Alexander Sims powered the No. 3 Corvette Racing by Pratt Miller Motorsports Corvette Z06 GT3.R to victory, giving Chevrolet a celebrated win on its home turf.

Cadillac Continues Detroit Dominance

The No. 31 Cadillac controlled the race from start to finish, executing a near-flawless performance in front of General Motors executives, employees, and supporters.

The victory marked Cadillac’s fifth IMSA triumph in Detroit, adding to previous wins in 2017, 2018, 2021, and 2022. The result also extended the No. 31 team’s streak to seven consecutive GTP podium finishes.

“To do it here at the home of GM and Cadillac with so many friends and family with us, my team absolutely nailed it,” Aitken said after the race.

The No. 25 BMW M Team WRT BMW M Hybrid V8 finished second in class, while the No. 10 Cadillac Wayne Taylor Racing Cadillac V-Series.R completed the GTP podium.

Meanwhile, the No. 93 Acura Meyer Shank Racing with Curb Agajanian Acura ARX-06 earned the IMSA Michelin Sustainability in Racing Award with its fourth-place finish.

Corvette Capitalizes on Late-Race Drama

While Cadillac’s victory was largely under control, the GTD PRO race featured significant late-race drama.

Garcia nearly lost the lead when Jack Hawksworth attempted a pass entering Turn 1 in the No. 14 Vasser Sullivan Racing Lexus RC F GT3. Contact between the two cars triggered a penalty against Hawksworth, whose Lexus received a drive-through penalty for incident responsibility.

Despite the pressure, Garcia maintained control on the final restart to secure his first IMSA victory in Detroit and the 32nd IMSA win of his career.

“Super happy to be in victory lane in Chevrolet land,” Garcia said. “I think all the big bosses will be very happy, as we are. It was a fantastic drive by Alex, who put the car on pole and opened a big gap early.”

The late-race chaos opened the door for the No. 9 Pfaff Motorsports Lamborghini Temerario GT3 driven by Andrea Caldarelli and Sandy Mitchell to earn the new car’s first podium finish in second place.

The No. 65 Ford Mustang GT3 driven by Christopher Mies and Frederic Vervisch rounded out the GTD PRO podium in third.

Championship Battle Tightens Heading to Watkins Glen

Both class winners started from the Motul Pole Award position and successfully converted pole into victory despite two late caution periods that reshuffled the field and intensified competition during the closing laps.

The victory unofficially moves Aitken into the lead of the GTP championship standings, while the No. 4 Corvette pairing of Nicky Catsburg and Tommy Milner maintains the GTD PRO points lead, though by a reduced margin.

The IMSA WeatherTech SportsCar Championship returns June 28 for the Sahlen’s Six Hours of The Glen at Watkins Glen International, one of the premier endurance races on the North American sports car calendar.

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Tech

NASA Rolls Out Massive SLS Rocket Stage for Artemis III Mission to Kennedy Space Center

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Pictured above is the top four-fifths of the SLS (Space Launch System) core stage – the section containing the liquid hydrogen tank, liquid oxygen tank, intertank, and forward skirt. NASA will roll the largest section of the agency’s SLS rocket that will launch the second crewed Artemis mission under the Artemis III mission out of NASA’s Michoud Assembly Facility on Monday, April 20. Credit: NASA

NEW ORLEANS (FNN) — NASA will roll out the largest section of its Space Launch System rocket on Monday, April 20, marking a major milestone for the Artemis III mission.

The section, representing the top four-fifths of the SLS core stage, is being moved from NASA’s Michoud Assembly Facility in New Orleans. It includes the liquid hydrogen tank, liquid oxygen tank, intertank and forward skirt. The structure will be loaded onto NASA’s Pegasus barge for transport to Kennedy Space Center in Florida.

CORE STAGE DELIVERY AND INTEGRATION

Once the core stage arrives at Kennedy Space Center, teams will complete final outfitting and vertical integration. The hardware will then be transferred to NASA’s Exploration Ground Systems Program for stacking and launch preparation.

The Artemis III engine section and boat-tail, which protects the engines during launch, were previously moved to the Vehicle Assembly Building in July 2025. The four RS-25 engines are scheduled to arrive from Stennis Space Center in Mississippi no later than July 2026 for integration.

POWERING THE ARTEMIS III MISSION

Equipped with four RS-25 engines, the SLS core stage will generate more than 2 million pounds of thrust, enabling the launch of astronauts aboard the Orion spacecraft.

Artemis III is currently targeted for launch in 2027, following the successful Artemis II mission, which completed a crewed flight around the Moon on April 10.

NASA’S MOON-TO-MARS STRATEGY

The Artemis III mission is part of NASA’s broader Artemis program, aimed at returning astronauts to the Moon and establishing a sustained human presence.

The mission will test critical capabilities, including rendezvous and docking between the Orion spacecraft and commercial systems needed for future lunar landings, currently planned for 2028.

NASA is working in partnership with Boeing, the SLS core stage lead contractor, and L3Harris Technologies, the lead contractor for the RS-25 engines. The core stage remains the backbone of the SLS rocket and is manufactured at the Michoud Assembly Facilit

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