Politics

Vote-by-mail worries: A ‘leaky pipeline’ in many states

Published

6 years ago

August 9, 2020

BOSTON (AP) — Brace yourself for what’s expected to be the first U.S. presidential election conducted mostly by mail. It could be messy.

Amid the coronavirus pandemic, voting by mail in a contactless and socially distant way seems like a no-brainer. States have made the option widely available — only 10 now require voters to provide an excuse beyond fear of COVID-19 when requesting a ballot by mail — and some three in four Americans are expected to embrace the option for the Nov. 3 presidential election, up from one in four in the 2018 contest.

But running a vote-by-mail election is surprisingly complicated, and there’s a lot of room for things to go wrong. Validating and counting a deluge of posted ballots in an open and accountable way presents a major challenge, one that only about a half dozen states are fully prepared for.

It doesn’t help that President Donald Trump has waged a vigorous offensive against the idea via a barrage of baseless tweets alleging the imminence of massive voting fraud. Turmoil in the U.S. Postal Service has only heightened concerns surrounding the ability of the nation’s myriad election systems to manage a presidential vote.

Oregon, Colorado and Washington have held successful all-mail elections for years and others including Florida and California expanded capacity long before the pandemic. Nearly everywhere else, the technical and logistical challenges loom large for budget-squeezed election officials with limited experience.

Chaotic events during this year’s primaries did not instill confidence. Untold thousands of absentee ballot requests went unfulfilled, and tens of thousands of mailed ballots were rejected for multiple reasons including arriving too late to be counted.

“The system is buckling under the weight of the dramatic surge and demand for absentee mail ballots,” said Wendy Weiser, director of the democracy program at the Brennan Center for Justice. “It hasn’t been built to withstand that high of a volume.”

Among the major concerns:

— Although Congress has sent $400 million to help states deal with pandemic-related pressures on election systems, it’s well short of the estimated $2 billion experts say officials need to be ready for November.

— Not all states are equal when it comes to letting voters fix mistakes that lead to rejection of their ballots, such as failure to sign the mail-in envelope. In a New Jersey special election in May, a whopping 10% of mailed ballots were rejected.

— The rapid introduction of new technologies and processes in state voting systems heightens the risk of foreign interference and insider tampering. That’s true even if simple human error or local maneuvering for political advantage are more likely threats.

— The slower count of mailed ballots could clash with voter expectations of a clear Election Night winner. Election officials have already warned voters across the country that it could take days after the polls close to count all the votes.

— In general, voting by mail is much less forgiving than the in-person method, where a voter’s identity is verified on the spot and any difficulties can be handled by poll workers.

To ensure success, all the pieces of mail-in balloting systems have to be in place well before Election Day. That’s because processing absentee ballots is a complex, multi-step process in most states: Voter fills out application, mails it to local election office; local election office verifies voter’s eligibility, sends back ballot; voter completes ballot, signs envelope, returns it. Election office verifies ballot’s authenticity, counts it.

“The more complicated we make the ballot-casting process, the more stuff is going to go wrong,” said Wisconsin activist Karen McKim. Election management in Wisconsin is as decentralized as it gets, relying as it does on 72 county clerks, 1,850 municipal clerks and thousands of poll workers. McKim says it’s “unrealistic and unfair” to expect those workers to be ready for a flood of absentee ballots in just a few months.

BALLOT REQUESTS

Ahead of multiple primaries this year, some election administrators were buried under an unprecedented flurry of absentee ballot requests. Some blank ballots got misaddressed; others were lost.

In Georgia’s Fulton County, which includes Atlanta and is the state’s most populous, thousands of absentee ballots didn’t reach voters until after the polls had closed, according to local news reports. Washington, D.C., voters were similarly afflicted.

In Wisconsin, requested absentee ballots never got to thousands of voters who asked. Jonas Zahn, a 46-year-old IBM executive, risked his health to vote in person on April 7 after twice requesting absentee ballots. “They still haven’t come so they must still be in the mail,” the Beaver Dam resident said in late July.

In Milwaukee, nearly 2,700 absentee ballots were never mailed because election staff goofed and halted a batch printing of mailing labels, the state election commission later reported. It was just one of multiple snafus.

MAIL RELIABILITY

Will the U.S. Postal Service be up to processing and delivering an election-eve flood of tens of millions of ballots? Under a major Trump donor named postmaster general in June, cost-cutting plans are already triggering delays in ordinary mail. A surge of mailed ballots could put the system under extraordinary strain.

Zahn, the Wisconsin voter, said his local mail is now routed through Milwaukee 50 miles away, meaning mail that reached a neighbor in a day or two a decade ago now takes about a week.

“The pipeline that moves mail between voters and election officials is very leaky,” Charles Stewart III, a political scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, wrote in a 2010 study. In a July update, Stewart estimated that roughly 4% of mail ballots were lost through this process in the 2016 general election.

States including Wisconsin are now scrambling to add USPS “intelligent mail” bar codes to their systems so ballots can be tracked through the mail. In states including Florida, Ohio, North Carolina and Georgia, counties are adding ballot-tracking software that gives voters more precise ballot status all the way to election authorities, said Steve Olsen, CEO of BallotTrax, the leading provider.

But such measures aren’t yet widespread.

In some states, voters who don’t trust the mail can use drop boxes instead. But boxes have been vandalized and poorly secured. Some Republicans say they invite fraud. The Trump campaign is suing Pennsylvania over plans to use them in November.

BALLOTS REJECTED

Once a completed ballot arrives at a local election office, the voter’s eligibility and identity must be verified. Sometimes, missing signatures or unsealed or damaged envelopes can gum up the process.

In Jefferson County, Kentucky, the state’s largest, 3,848 absentee ballots were rejected in the June primary due to lack of a voter signature. That was out of roughly 180,000 absentee ballots cast. Not all states give voters a quick and easy way to fix these problems.

Veteran vote-by-mail states send out periodic mailers to verify voter addresses and get updated signatures. They also have built “ballot-curing” measures into existing systems in case voter signatures don’t match what’s on record or ballot envelopes arrive damaged or missing required information. But such systems are far from universal and their absence has led to lawsuits in some states.

The complexity of signature matching is a major issue. Many election offices register voter signatures from a variety of sources — for instance, those scribbled with styluses on cramped touchscreens at motor vehicle departments. The result: A matching process prone to human error.

“It’s terrible, but it’s the best option we have,” said Jennifer Morrell, a former elections official in Colorado and Utah. Rigorous training and bipartisan teams reviewing signatures can help mitigate some of the concerns, but people’s signatures change over time and physical ledgers capturing these changes are an endangered species.

But the bigger risk is that first-time and minority voters — who more often vote Democratic — will have their signatures rejected, studies show.

University of Florida political scientist Daniel Smith found that Black and Latino voters and those under age 30 in the state were at least twice as likely as older and white voters to have ballots rejected over signature mismatches.

COUNTING AND CUSTODY

It took nearly two weeks for Philadelphia to count 140,000 mailed ballots after the June 2 primary. In New York City, it took six weeks after the June 23 primary to tally absentee ballots in one congressional primary where a dispute over ballots lacking postmarks ended up in federal court.

Ensuring a trustworthy chain of ballot custody and bipartisan oversight contributes to those delays. And sometimes insider fraud does happen. A former Democratic Pennsylvania congressman was recently indicted for it.

Which is why election officials including Neal Kelley, the registrar in Orange County, California, urge transparency measures for ballot counting such as live video streaming and obligatory audits.

Eighty percent of the county’s residents voted absentee in this year’s primary, up from 60% in 2018. Kelley said it took time to get all the pieces in place — he’s developed homegrown ballot-tracking — to handle such capacity and instill voter confidence.

“It took us four years,” he said.

Central Florida News

Florida Puerto Rican Lawmakers’ First-Term Impact: FNN Audit Reviews Bills Becoming Law, 1999–2026

Published

3 days ago

November 6, 2026

FNN NEWS

Former Florida Reps. Bob Cortes, David Santiago and Daisy Morales, from left, are featured in FNN’s comparison of first-term legislative outcomes among 14 House lawmakers of Puerto Rican descent. Composite graphic by Florida National News

A review of 14 Florida House members of Puerto Rican descent examines sponsored bills that became law and policies reflected in other enacted legislation, documenting their early legislative results.

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Voters across Florida cast ballots in the Nov. 3 general election to elect candidates of their choice. Against that backdrop, Florida National News examined the first-term legislative records of 14 Florida House lawmakers of Puerto Rican descent, reviewing legislative sessions from 1999 through 2026.

The audit focuses on bills they sponsored that became law and proposals whose policies were reflected in other enacted legislation, providing readers with a documented comparison of their early legislative results.

See Aduit

Former Republican Reps. Bob Cortes and David Santiago lead the reviewed group in combined legislative outcomes. Former Democratic Rep. Daisy Morales leads the Democratic members included in the report.

Cortes recorded six sponsored House bills that became law under their own numbers, the highest direct-enactment total in the reviewed group. He also had six additional proposals with policies reflected in other enacted legislation.

Santiago recorded five direct enactments and seven policy-overlap outcomes. Each Republican had 12 combined outcomes.

Morales recorded two direct enactments and three additional policy-overlap outcomes during the 2021 and 2022 legislative sessions, giving her five combined outcomes.

The FNN audit distinguishes those categories rather than treating every identified outcome as a separate law personally authored by a legislator.

Legislative Results With Statewide Reach

The measures examined extend beyond the lawmakers’ individual districts, addressing education, public safety, professional licensing, military families and other statewide issues.

Cortes’ direct enactments included HB 837 in 2016, jointly sponsored with Michael Bileca. The legislation addressed education programs for individuals with disabilities, including transition-to-work opportunities for qualifying students. It became Chapter 2016-137.

Susan Plasencia’s first-term record included HB 1275 in 2023, which authorized local law enforcement agencies to establish registries containing information about participating people with disabilities. The measure became Chapter 2023-312.

Morales’ direct enactments included HB 855 in 2021, addressing barber services, and HB 45 in 2022, providing tuition and fee assistance for qualifying disabled veterans.

HB 45, sponsored with Christopher Benjamin, passed the House 115-0 and the Senate 38-0. Gov. Ron DeSantis signed it June 9, 2022, and it became Chapter 2022-187. The unanimous votes illustrate the bipartisan support secured for that measure.

The audit also identifies policies in Morales’ proposals concerning telephone solicitation restrictions, property tax exemptions and a Down Syndrome Awareness specialty license plate that were reflected in other enacted bills.

First-Term Outcomes Across the Reviewed Group

Lawmaker	Party	Sessions reviewed	Direct enactments	Policy-overlap outcomes	Combined
Bob Cortes	R	2015–2016	6	6	12
David Santiago	R	2013–2014	5	7	12
Susan Plasencia	R	2023–2024	5	3	8
John Quiñones	R	2003–2004	2	6	8
René Plasencia	R	2015–2016	4	3	7
Yvette Benarroch	R	2025–2026	3	2	5
Daisy Morales	D	2021–2022	2	3	5
Robert Asencio	D	2017–2018	1	1	2
Amy Mercado	D	2017–2018	0	2	2
Anthony Suárez*	D	1999–2000	1	0	1
Johanna López	D	2023–2024	1	0	1
Victor Torres	D	2013–2014	0	1	1
John Cortes	D	2015–2016	0	0	0
Darren Soto*	D	2007–2008	0	0	0

Source: FNN audit. Soto and Suárez served partial initial terms. Zero means no qualifying outcome was identified under the audit’s method; it does not establish that a lawmaker made no legislative contribution.

Why the Audit Matters

The audit gives readers a way to examine legislative accomplishments beyond campaign descriptions and broad claims about bills “passed.”

It separates primary and joint sponsorship from ordinary co-sponsorship and distinguishes bills enacted under their own numbers from proposals whose policies appear in other laws.

Those distinctions matter because a House bill can die while some of its provisions survive in another legislative vehicle. Conversely, a related-bill listing does not establish that a proposal’s specific provisions became law.

The report also documents the scope of the identified outcomes. A narrow licensing change and a broad education measure each can count as one outcome, although their reach and consequences differ.

For readers examining Puerto Rican representation in Florida government, the findings provide a record of specific legislative activity. The measures’ beneficiaries extend across ethnic backgrounds and communities.

Why Focus on the First Term?

The first term provides a defined period for examining what lawmakers accomplished when they entered the House, before accumulating multiple terms of legislative experience.

Comparing initial terms also prevents a long-serving member’s career total from being measured directly against the record of someone who served only one term.

Some lawmakers lose reelection, retire, seek another office or pursue other careers. Their first term may therefore represent their entire House tenure. That makes early legislative results worth documenting.

The comparison still has limits. Members entering through special elections have less time than those beginning full two-year terms. Party control, committee assignments and legislative priorities also can affect opportunities to advance bills.

Soto’s Initial Service Is Counted Separately

Darren Soto won a special election April 24, 2007, and was sworn into office the following day. His initial House service belongs in the 2007–2008 window. His reelection in November 2008 began the full term covering the 2009 and 2010 legislative sessions.

The audit identifies no qualifying direct enactment or policy-overlap outcome for his initial regular-session window. It lists four outcomes from 2009–2010 separately as later-term context.

That distinction preserves the report’s focus on initial service rather than later accomplishments.

Anthony Nieves and the 2027 Legislative Session

Anthony Nieves represents the next chapter of Puerto Rican representation examined in FNN’s coverage.

Nieves defeated Jorge Figueroa in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary for House District 47. He subsequently won the seat without appearing on the November ballot after the general election contest was canceled, according to Ballotpedia.

His first regular legislative session will be in 2027, when he will have the opportunity to sponsor legislation and establish a first-term record.

Nieves is discussed separately from the audit’s 14-member outcome comparison because the 2027 and 2028 regular sessions fall outside its 1999–2026 review period. His absence from the rankings is a timing distinction, not a finding of legislative failure.

A future comparison can evaluate his sponsored bills, direct enactments and policies reflected in other enacted legislation during those sessions. Assigning him a zero alongside lawmakers whose initial legislative sessions have concluded would misrepresent his opportunity to produce results.

What the Findings Establish

The audit compares 14 identified lawmakers. It is not an exhaustive ancestry census or a definitive ranking of every Puerto Rican lawmaker in Florida history.

Ordinary co-sponsorships, resolutions and appropriations requests are excluded. Combined outcomes count qualifying source proposals, not necessarily distinct laws. Jointly sponsored bills can appear in more than one member’s record.

The report measures identified legislative outcomes rather than overall effectiveness, constituent service or the relative public benefit of each measure.

FNN’s Corrections and Updates Policy

Florida National News welcomes factual information identifying a lawmaker incorrectly included in or excluded from the audit, an inaccurate service period, a sponsorship error or an overlooked legislative outcome.

Submissions should identify the lawmaker, legislative session, bill number, sponsorship role and official supporting records. For proposals reflected in another enacted bill, documentation should identify the resulting bill, chapter law and relevant provisions.

FNN will review the information and make necessary corrections to the roster, bill records, session dates, outcome counts and rankings when supported by the evidence. Corrections will be reflected in the audit’s revision history.

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#FloridaNationalNews #FNN #FloridaPolitics #PuertoRicanLawmakers #FloridaHouse #LegislativeAudit #FirstTermLawmakers #GovernmentAccountability #PuertoRicanHeritage #PoliticsAndPower

Florida

Sam Garrison Proposes Florida House Committees on Technology, Public Integrity and Long-Term Policy

Published

4 days ago

November 5, 2026

FNN NEWS

The speaker-designate’s proposed structure would create a Policy & Strategy Committee, elevate technology oversight and reestablish a committee focused on ethics and public corruption.

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Florida House Speaker-designate Sam Garrison outlined proposed changes to the chamber’s committee structure Thursday, calling for greater attention to long-term policy, artificial intelligence, cybersecurity and public integrity during the 2026-28 legislative term.

In a Nov. 5 memorandum to House members provided to Florida National News, Garrison said the proposal preserves most of the existing structure while making changes intended to improve coordination and examine the lasting consequences of legislative decisions.

“I am committed to making committee time meaningful,” Garrison wrote. “I want you to dig into ideas, hear from the public, and truly study your colleagues’ bills because behind every bill, every policy, and every budget item are people — our people.”

New Committee Would Examine Long-Term Policy and Costs

Garrison proposed creating a Policy & Strategy Committee to coordinate major initiatives involving multiple committees or state agencies.

The committee would draw on the expertise of subject-matter committees to examine how major reforms would operate and what they would cost. Its proposed jurisdiction includes long-range planning and fiscal stability, and it could consider legislation with a fiscal impact.

Garrison said the committee would provide a forum for considering challenges that extend beyond an individual legislative session or term.

“I want the House to consider where Florida needs to be in five or 10 or 20 years and what steps we should take now to get there,” he wrote.

Technology Oversight Would Become a Full Committee

The proposed Advanced Technology & Digital Security Committee would replace the previous term’s Information Technology Budget & Policy Subcommittee.

The full committee would focus on state technology governance and modernization, including agencies’ ability to implement legislation. Its responsibilities would also include:

Artificial intelligence and emerging technologies.
Cybersecurity and digital privacy.
Data governance.
Critical infrastructure security.

Garrison distinguished the committee’s policy and oversight responsibilities from spending decisions. The Appropriations Committee and its subcommittees would continue to consider technology funding.

“These issues affect both state government and the Floridians and businesses that rely on technology every day,” Garrison wrote.

He said the goal is to make informed technology decisions that prevent costly failures.

Public Integrity Committee Would Return

Garrison also proposed reestablishing the Public Integrity Committee, emphasizing ethics, integrity and investigations into public corruption.

The committee would consider related matters involving lobbying, financial disclosure and conflicts of interest.

“Floridians should be able to trust their government to act in the public interest,” Garrison wrote. “A dedicated committee will allow Members to examine the laws and standards that protect that trust.”

The Rules & Calendar Committee would retain responsibility for House rules, floor procedures and member conduct, according to the memorandum.

Most of the Existing Structure Would Remain

Garrison said most of the current committee structure would remain intact. Other changes would update committee names and bring related issues under shared jurisdictions.

The proposed adjustments are intended to help lawmakers examine connections among state policy, local decisions and their effects on residents.

The memorandum referred members to attached documents detailing the proposed structure and jurisdictions. It did not identify committee chairs or member assignments.

Public Input and Legislative Review Emphasized

Garrison urged members to use committee meetings to hear from the public, examine their colleagues’ proposals and consider the people affected by legislation and spending decisions.

“Our committee process should give you the opportunity to contribute and every proposal the careful consideration it deserves,” he wrote. “I look forward to working with you over the next two years.”

Florida

DeSantis’ Political Star Rises as Florida GOP Holds Statewide Offices Amid National Defeats

Published

4 days ago

November 5, 2026

FNN NEWS

Republicans retain Florida’s statewide leadership despite Democratic gains in the Legislature, giving the outgoing governor a platform in the debate over the GOP’s future.

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Gov. Ron DeSantis pointed to Florida’s Republican victories Wednesday as evidence that his governing approach helped withstand a national Democratic surge, highlighting the state as a remaining Republican stronghold after major defeats elsewhere.

Speaking a day after the election, DeSantis described the national Republican losses as approaching an “extinction-level event.” He contrasted those setbacks with Florida, where Republicans retained the governor’s office, all three Cabinet offices and the U.S. Senate seat on the ballot. abcnews.com

The results give DeSantis a platform to promote his record as Republicans assess their future. However, narrower statewide margins and Democratic legislative gains complicate any claim of an unqualified Republican mandate.

Florida Holds Statewide Republican Leadership

Republican Byron Donalds defeated Democrat David Jolly for governor, while U.S. Sen. Ashley Moody defeated Democratic challenger Angie Nixon. Republicans also won the races for attorney general, chief financial officer and agriculture commissioner.

The sweep left Florida Democrats without a statewide victory despite a more favorable national environment for their party. floridaphoenix.com

DeSantis, who was not on the ballot, argued that Florida Republicans benefited from the record established during his administration. His assessment places the state’s performance at the center of a broader question: What can Republicans learn from the places where they retained power?

DeSantis’ Political Star Gains Visibility

DeSantis’ remarks offered a defense of his governing approach as Republicans confronted the election’s consequences.

He credited Florida’s resilience to policy achievements and voter trust, while emphasizing that his immediate focus remained completing his term. wusf.org

Florida’s results strengthen his opportunity to participate in the national leadership debate. They do not, by themselves, establish that Republican voters have chosen him to lead the party or that he will launch another presidential campaign.

The distinction matters: Electoral success in Florida provides a political argument, while a national campaign would require support extending well beyond the state.

Texas Defeats Increase Florida’s Importance

DeSantis singled out Texas as a particularly consequential Republican setback. Once a dependable foundation of GOP strength, Texas delivered Democratic victories in the governor’s race, a U.S. Senate contest and other statewide offices.

He warned that those losses could weaken Republicans nationally for years. www.orlandoweekly.com

Against that backdrop, Florida’s Republican sweep gives its leaders greater prominence. The state’s emerging role as a Republican “Southern Star” is an interpretation of that contrast, rather than a designation DeSantis used.

For the outgoing governor, Florida offers evidence of political durability during a difficult election. For the national party, it offers a case to examine alongside the states where Republican support collapsed.

DeSantis Credits Amendment 3 With Turnout

DeSantis also credited voter-approved Amendment 3, the property tax measure, with attracting voters who subsequently supported Republican candidates.

He said implementation would require further legislative action and discussed protecting homeowners’ savings from being offset by other local charges. cbs12.com

His explanation remains an assessment of the election. Determining how much the amendment affected turnout and individual races would require additional analysis.

Democratic Legislative Gains Temper GOP Celebration

Florida’s statewide sweep did not prevent Republican losses elsewhere on the ballot.

Democrats gained seats in the Legislature and ended the Republican supermajority in the state House. Their leaders argued that the close statewide contests demonstrated Florida remained competitive and warranted greater national investment. floridaphoenix.com

Republicans therefore emerged with continued governing authority but less room for complacency. Retaining statewide offices and losing legislative ground are both part of the election’s outcome.

2018 Offers Democrats a Benchmark

Florida Democrats’ 2018 results provide a historical comparison between narrowly losing a statewide contest and winning governing authority.

Republican Ron DeSantis won the governor’s race with 4,076,186 votes, or 49.6%, while Democrat Andrew Gillum received 4,043,723 votes, or 49.2%. DeSantis prevailed by 32,463 votes, approximately 0.4 percentage points. results.elections.myflorida.com

In the agriculture commissioner’s race, Democrat Nikki Fried won 4,032,954 votes, or 50.04%, defeating Republican Matt Caldwell, who received 4,026,201 votes, or 49.96%. Fried’s winning margin was 6,753 votes, approximately 0.08 percentage points. uselectionatlas.org

2018 statewide race	Candidate	Party	Votes	Percentage
Governor	Ron DeSantis — winner	Republican	4,076,186	49.6%
Governor	Andrew Gillum	Democratic	4,043,723	49.2%
Agriculture commissioner	Nikki Fried — winner	Democratic	4,032,954	50.04%
Agriculture commissioner	Matt Caldwell	Republican	4,026,201	49.96%

Table lists the two leading candidates in each race. Governor’s percentages include votes cast for other candidates. results.elections.myflorida.com

Those results give substance to the discussion about investment and competitiveness. Campaign funding can support organization and outreach, but these election totals alone do not establish how much national spending influenced either outcome.

Gillum nearly captured the governor’s office; Fried secured a statewide Cabinet seat. That difference remains central to evaluating political progress: Smaller losing margins can indicate opportunity, while victories determine who exercises authority.

A Stronger Platform, With Challenges Ahead

Florida’s results give DeSantis a stronger position from which to argue that his approach deserves attention within the Republican Party.

Yet the election also supplied a warning for his party at home. Republicans preserved statewide leadership while Democrats demonstrated greater strength in legislative contests.

As Donalds prepares to succeed him, DeSantis leaves with Florida’s Republican governing structure intact. Whether that record becomes the foundation for a larger national role will depend on how Republican voters and leaders respond to the party’s defeats.