Politics
Florida Congresswoman Val Demings Supports COVID Relief
Published
6 years agoon
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Rep. Val Demings (FL-10) voted for, and the House passed, $2 trillion emergency relief legislation to support workers and businesses during the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States. Additional details on this legislation can be found below.
Said Rep. Demings, “While we sometimes forget it, we are one America—one nation, under God. In times of crisis, the ties that bind us to each other are strong, and we must do all that we can to safeguard our families, neighbors, and communities. Today Congress passed the third—and not the last—of our historic federal relief packages to protect the American people.
“The COVID-19 pandemic testing every system, both public and private, but more importantly it is testing our solidarity. I still believe that America can do incredible things when history demands it of us. This moment demands that we endure any burden to ensure that no one will be left behind, and that every one of us—and our hopes and dreams—can survive this moment.”
Key components of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act:
- “Marshall Plan” surge of funding for hospitals and emergency medical and safety equipment, and for veterans’ health care
- Requires free testing and preventative care
- Massive expansion of unemployment, including to freelancers & gig workers
- Loans and emergency grants for small businesses, with loan forgiveness for businesses who retain and pay workers
- Aid for local municipalities and large employers, with strong new oversight
- Assistance for nutrition, childcare, education (including freezing student loan payments and interest for six months), housing (including rental assistance and help for seniors and the homeless), and other vital needs
- $1,200 checks to every American who makes less than $75,000 in annual income, plus $500 per child.
Expanded details on the legislation:
Unemployment Insurance (UI)
- 13 additional weeks of benefits, equaling full lost wages replacement up to an additional $600/week, in addition to other UI benefits
- This will increase Florida’s lost wages replacement from $275/week to $875/week.
- Temporarily extends (through 12/31) unemployment to cover part-time, self-employed, gig economy, and other workers.
- Full federal funding for existing Short-Term Compensation (STC) programs, 50% federal funding for states beginning STC programs, and $100 million in grants to states through December 31, 2020
- $360 million for worker training and support
- Allows employers and self-employed individuals to receive an advance tax credit for paid leave expenses
Health Care Capacity
- $100 billion for health care providers to cover coronavirus-related costs
- $27 billion for the Public Health and Social Services Emergency Fund
- $16 billion for Strategic National Stockpile of pharmaceuticals, personal protective equipment
- $3.5 billion to expand production of vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics
- $4.3 billion for federal, state, and local public health agencies
- $1 billion to ramp of manufacture of medical supplies through Defense Production Act
- Extends funding for Community Health Centers, National Health Service Corps, Teaching Centers, and Special Diabetes Program through November 30, 2020
- $1.32 billion in supplemental funding to Community Health Centers
- $1.4 billion for coronavirus operations by Active, National Guard and Reserve service members
- Additional $4.3 billion for CDC
- Additional $945 million for NIH
- Suspends Medicare cuts through sequestration through December 31, 2020
- Expanded access to telemedicine
- Establishes Ready Reserve Corps
- Provides needed resources for the Medical Reserve Corps and flexibility
Small Businesses and Nonprofit Organizations
- $350 billion for new Paycheck Protection Program to assist small businesses and nonprofits
- Forgivable loans for small businesses, with incentives to keep employees on the payroll, and an incentive for rehiring workers
- $17 billion to provide relief from SBA loan payments for 6 months
- $10 billion for SBA emergency grants for operating costs (up to $10,000)
- Allows deferment of 7(a) loan payments for 6-12 months
- Federal government covers 50% of unemployment compensation for nonprofits
Industry Aid
- $500 billion in industry aid through Federal Reserve, including $25 billion for airlines, $4 billion for cargo carriers, and $17 billion for businesses important to national security , with conditions:
- Requires maintenance of at least 90% of employees as of March 24, 2020 through September 30, 2020
- Must be U.S.-based, with employees predominantly in the U.S.
- Bans stock buybacks and dividends until 1 year after aid ends
- No increase in executive compensation or severance pay more than double annual compensation
- Prohibits businesses controlled by President, Cabinet, and Members of Congress (or family members) from benefiting
- Grants to nonprofits and businesses with 500-10,000 employees with conditions:
- Retain 90% of workforce with full compensation and benefits through September 30, 2020
- No outsourcing of offshoring until two years after loan term
- Respect for existing collective bargaining agreements until two years after loan term
- Neutrality in union organizing during loan term
- $32 billion for air carrier workers with conditions:
- Exclusive use for wages, salaries, and benefits
- No furloughs or pay cuts until September 30, 2020
- Maintenance of necessary air service
- Government option for equity
- Executive compensation above $3 million cut by half
- Creates Special Inspector General, Pandemic Response Accountability Committee, and Congressional Oversight Commission (with subpoena power) to provide oversight
- Requires real-time reporting of aid transactions (they were originally going to be kept secret in the GOP bill).
- Suspension of taxes on passengers, cargo, and aviation fuel
- No $3 billion bailout for fossil fuel companies (in the original bill)
Income Assistance
- A $1,200 one-time payment per adult (this will be sent to every American up to $75,000 in annual income, including those with no income), and $500 per child
- Rebate amount reduced as income increases, with complete phaseout at $99,000 for individuals.
- $900 million for Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program
Tax Benefits
- Refundable payroll tax credit for 50% of wages paid to employees for employers that suspend operations or see over 50% drop in receipts
- Deferred payment of the employer share of Social Security tax with full repayment by December 31, 2022
- Allows businesses (including pass-throughs) to offset up to 100% of taxable income with “carry back” losses
- Acceleration of corporate Alternative Minimum Tax credits
- Increased deductions for business interest
- Faster write-offs for business investments
- Excise tax on distilled spirits waived for use in hand sanitizer
- Above-the-line deduction for charitable contributions up to $300 and increase in limits on individual and corporate deductions for charitable contributions
- Waives tax penalty for early withdrawal of retirement funds
Access to Testing and Treatment
- Requires private insurers and Medicare to cover coronavirus treatment and prevention
- Requires diagnostic test providers to make the price for the coronavirus test publicly available on the internet
- Requires Medicare to allow fills and refills of prescription drugs for up to 3-month supply during the emergency
- $15.85 billion for health care access for veterans
Frontline Worker Safety
- No OSHA Emergency Temporary standard (i.e. no waivers of OSHA protections)
Childcare
- $3.5 billion for Child Care and Development Block Grants
- $750 million for Head Start
Education
- $30.75 billion for Education Stabilization Fund to support local school systems and higher education institution
- $13.5 billion for elementary and secondary education formula grants
- $3 billion for discretionary grants through states
- $14.25 billion for higher education
- Student loan payments suspended for 6 months with no interest accrual
- Income tax exclusion for employers to provide up to $5,250 for student loan repayment assistance
- Flexibility for colleges and universities to continue operating
- Flexibility for students whose program eligibility would be affected by coronavirus
Food Security
- $15.8 billion in additional funding for SNAP
- Emergency funding for other nutrition programs, including $8.8 billion for child nutrition programs and $450 million for food banks through TEFAP
Housing
- $4 billion for Emergency Solutions Grants for those who are homeless or at risk of homelessness
- $3 billion in rental assistance
- 120-day moratorium on evictions in properties receiving any federal assistance
- 60-day foreclosure moratorium on federally backed mortgages and up to 180 days of forbearance during emergency
Financial Protection
- Suspends negative consumer credit reporting until 120 days after pandemic in the case of forbearance of payment modification
State and Local Government Aid
- $150 billion for Coronavirus Relief Fund for states
- $45 billion for FEMA Disaster Relief Fund for state, local, and tribal governments
- $25 billion for transit agencies
- $5 billion for Community Development Block Grant (CDBG), $1.5 billion for Economic Development Administration, and $50 million for Manufacturing Extension Partnership programs
- Federal government covers 50% of unemployment compensation for state, local, and tribal governments
Indian Country
- $8 billion set-aside for tribal governments in Coronavirus Relief Fund
- $1.032 billion for Indian Health Service (IHS)
- $453 million in additional appropriations to tribal governments
- $300 million for Indian Housing programs
- $100 million for Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations
- $69 million for Bureau of Indian Education
Seniors and People with Disabilities
- $955 million for nutrition programs, home and community-based services, support for family caregivers, and other programs for seniors and individuals with disabilities
- $200 million to mitigate spread of coronavirus in nursing homes
- $50 in housing for low-income seniors
- $15 million for housing for people with disabilities
Immigrants
- Prevents exclusion of sanctuary jurisdictions from Byrne Justice Assistance Grants
- Prohibits transfer of funds to border wall
Incarcerated Populations
- $100 million for Bureau of Prisons for coronavirus prevention, preparation and response
- $850 million for Byrne Justice Assistance Grants to law enforcement and jails for coronavirus, preparation and response, including PPE
- Allows longer release to home confinement
Elections
- $400 million for Election Administration Grants
Foreign Policy
- $350 million for migration and refugee assistance
- $258 million for international disaster assistance
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Florida
[COURTS & LAW] Paula Stark Court Record Could Impact Daisy Morales, James Bush III Defamation Lawsuits Against FHDCC
Published
6 hours agoon
August 28, 2026Stark’s Leon County Election Fight, Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade and Morales’ Orange County Defamation Lawsuit Could Put FHDCC’s Legal Status Under Scrutiny in Three Florida Courts
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Three Florida court cases. Three counties. One political committee — and an unresolved legal question that could affect two pending defamation lawsuits.
Court records obtained and reviewed by Florida National News show the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) sought permission to become a Party Defendant in Republican state Rep. Paula Stark’s Leon County election lawsuit in June 2026.
Less than a month later, FHDCC took a different procedural position in former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III’s Miami-Dade defamation lawsuit, arguing that it is an unincorporated political organization that lacks the capacity to be sued in its own name.
That position is supported by a sworn affidavit submitted by State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of FHDCC, describing her authority over committee funds and legal matters and stating the committee’s position that it cannot be sued as a political committee.
Now, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has named FHDCC as a defendant in a separate defamation lawsuit in Orange County.
The cases involve different parties, claims and legal issues. FHDCC’s attempt to intervene in Stark’s case does not establish that the committee has capacity to be sued in Bush or Morales.
But the developing record presents a significant question: FHDCC affirmatively asked one Florida circuit court to allow it to become a Party Defendant, then later argued in another that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
FHDCC Asked to Become a Party Defendant in Stark Case
Stark, a Republican state representative from St. Cloud, sued after election officials determined she failed to qualify for reelection to House District 47.
Her case, Paula Stark v. Cord Byrd, et al., Case No. 2026-CA-1311, was filed in the Second Judicial Circuit in Leon County before Circuit Judge Joshua M. Hawkes.
On June 25, 2026, attorney Mark Herron filed a motion on behalf of FHDCC and Democratic House District 47 candidates Jorge Figueroa and Anthony Nieves.
The filing was expressly titled “Motion to Intervene as a Party Defendants in Pending Election Case” and asked Hawkes to permit FHDCC, Figueroa and Nieves to intervene as Party Defendants under Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.230.
FHDCC also described itself in the motion as an affiliated party committee established under Section 103.092, Florida Statutes, to support Democratic candidates for the Florida House.
The committee asserted that the outcome of Stark’s lawsuit would affect the resources FHDCC would expend in the House District 47 election.
Herron signed the filing as “Attorney for the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee.”
Herron also serves as FHDCC treasurer. His dual role could become relevant if the Bush or Morales defamation lawsuits reach discovery concerning the committee’s organization, finances or decision-making. Any potential testimony would depend on Herron’s firsthand knowledge and applicable attorney-client and other legal protections.
Hawkes Denied FHDCC Intervention
FHDCC did not succeed in becoming a party to Stark’s case.
In his July 8 Order on Petition for Mandamus, Hawkes explained that he denied FHDCC intervention because the committee’s asserted interest amounted to “just a financial stake.”
Hawkes instead allowed Figueroa and Nieves to intervene because their candidacies and political positions were directly affected by whether the primary would remain closed. The written order consequently identifies Figueroa and Nieves — not FHDCC — as intervenors.
That distinction is critical.
The Stark record establishes that FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant. It does not establish that the court accepted FHDCC in that capacity. Hawkes expressly denied the committee’s request.
Hawkes ultimately denied Stark’s request for ballot relief. In his analysis, he also referenced an argument advanced by “counsel for Intervenors.”
The Stark litigation was subsequently closed.
Why Stark Matters
Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC has legal capacity to sue or be sued.
He rejected FHDCC’s intervention because its asserted interest in the election dispute was insufficient.
But the underlying motion remains significant because it establishes that FHDCC, through counsel, affirmatively invoked a Florida court’s jurisdiction and asked to participate as a Party Defendant.
That record could become relevant if FHDCC maintains in other courts that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade
While Stark’s election litigation was unfolding in Leon County, FHDCC was facing a different legal battle in Miami-Dade.
Former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III filed a defamation lawsuit in August 2025 against Edge Communications, LLC, Strong Community, FHDCC and state Rep. Ashley Gantt.
The case, James Bush III v. Edge Communications, LLC, et al., Case No. 2025-015569-CA-01, was assigned to Section CA31 of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit and Circuit Judge Migna Sanchez-Llorens, according to the court’s Case Management Order.
The order, signed Oct. 11, 2025, established July 8, 2026, as the deadline for summary judgment and dispositive motions, resolution of certain pretrial matters and mediation. It projected an Oct. 6, 2026 trial date.
On July 8 — the same day Hawkes issued his Stark ruling in Leon County — clerk defaults were entered against FHDCC and other defendants in Bush’s lawsuit, according to filings previously reviewed by FNN.
FHDCC moved to set aside its default on July 15.
Bush then filed a Motion for Final Default Judgment on July 29 seeking $1 million, plus costs, against the defaulted defendants.
The distinction is important: Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment. The court has not entered a $1 million judgment based on the records reviewed for this report.
FHDCC Argues It Cannot Be Sued in Its Own Name
FHDCC’s response to the Miami-Dade default creates the central comparison with the Stark record.
In its Motion to Set Aside Default, FHDCC argued that it is a 527 political unincorporated organization that lacks capacity to be sued in its own name.
The committee cited Larkin v. Buranosky, a 2008 Florida appellate decision involving unincorporated political organizations.
That remains FHDCC’s legal position, not a determination by the Miami-Dade court.
But the timing creates a significant comparison:
June 25 — Leon County: FHDCC asks to enter litigation as a Party Defendant.
July 8 — Leon County: Hawkes denies FHDCC intervention.
July 15 — Miami-Dade County: FHDCC argues that its organizational status prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Those positions are not automatically contradictory. Intervention and capacity to be sued are distinct legal questions, and Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC possessed capacity to sue or be sued.
But the records could invite scrutiny of how FHDCC characterizes its legal identity and litigation authority in different proceedings.
FHDCC Chair Hunschofsky Submits Sworn Affidavit
The Miami-Dade dispute took on added significance when State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, submitted a sworn affidavit supporting FHDCC’s effort to set aside the default.
Hunschofsky described FHDCC as a Florida registered political committee affiliated with the Florida Democratic Party but not controlled by it.
She also described her authority within the organization, stating that she is responsible for the allocation of FHDCC funds and for legal actions against the committee and its defense.
Hunschofsky further stated that FHDCC is an unincorporated entity and that the committee understands it “cannot be sued as a political committee.”
She said that after learning Bush had obtained a default, she immediately instructed attorney Juan-Carlos Planas to seek to set aside the default and have the case dismissed based on FHDCC’s position that it cannot be sued under Florida law.
The affidavit represents sworn statements by FHDCC’s chair concerning the committee’s structure and her responsibilities. Her assertion concerning whether FHDCC can be sued is the committee’s legal position; it does not establish that Sanchez-Llorens has accepted that interpretation.
Morales Defamation Lawsuit Brings Question to Orange County
The third case brings the issue to Orange County.
On Aug. 14, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales filed a defamation lawsuit against FHDCC and Democratic House District 43 nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago.
The case, Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, Case No. 482026CA008697A001OX, is pending in the Ninth Judicial Circuit before Circuit Judge Michael Deen.
Morales asserts claims for defamation/libel and defamation by implication arising from political mailers distributed during the Democratic primary campaign.
Among the disputed statements was a representation that Morales endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.
Morales alleges the statements were false and defamatory.
Those allegations remain pending. Neither Vilchez Santiago nor FHDCC has been found liable for defamation.
Vilchez Santiago defeated Morales in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election result does not resolve the civil lawsuit.
Could Stark and Bush Affect Morales?
The Stark intervention record makes the potential Orange County issue clearer.
If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales that it raised against Bush, the Orange County court could be asked to consider a broader record concerning the committee’s legal identity and structure.
That record could include FHDCC’s request to become a Party Defendant in Stark; Herron’s representation of the committee; Hawkes’ denial of FHDCC intervention; FHDCC’s Miami-Dade capacity argument; Hunschofsky’s sworn affidavit; and state records governing the committee’s organization and operations.
None of that evidence establishes the merits of Morales’ defamation claims.
But it could become relevant to a threshold question:
Is FHDCC itself a proper defendant?
And if Florida law ultimately says it is not, another question follows:
Who is the proper party for allegedly actionable conduct undertaken through the committee?
Three Courts, Different Consequences
The issue carries different consequences in each court.
Leon County: FHDCC affirmatively sought Party Defendant status, but Hawkes denied its intervention. Stark’s case is closed, and nothing in the Bush or Morales litigation currently changes that outcome.
Miami-Dade County: The consequences are immediate. Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment while FHDCC is attempting to set aside its default and arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
Orange County: The issue is prospective. If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales, Deen could be asked to examine the developing Stark and Bush records in determining whether FHDCC is a proper defendant.
One Political Committee, Three Florida Courts
The court records do not establish wrongdoing by FHDCC, Herron, Hunschofsky or their attorneys. Nor do they establish the merits of the Bush or Morales defamation claims.
What they do establish is an unusual litigation record involving the same political committee across three Florida circuit courts.
In Leon County, FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant — and Hawkes denied the request.
In Miami-Dade County, FHDCC is fighting a clerk’s default and Bush’s request for a $1 million final default judgment while arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
In Orange County, FHDCC is now a named defendant in Morales’ defamation lawsuit.
The cases could ultimately put a fundamental question under scrutiny:
What is the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s legal status — and if FHDCC cannot be sued in its own name, who may be held legally accountable for actionable conduct undertaken through the committee if that conduct is ultimately proven?
Florida
FIU Becomes First Florida University to Launch CORE Emergency Management Partnership
Published
3 days agoon
August 26, 2026MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Florida officials announced the launch of the Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education, or CORE, Program at Florida International University, beginning an initiative designed to strengthen the state’s emergency management workforce through partnerships with colleges, universities and technical and trade schools.
The program will connect higher education institutions with the Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies to provide students with specialized education and training in emergency management.
CORE is also expected to provide opportunities for students to earn industry-recognized certificates and establish pathways to jobs with emergency management offices and private-sector industry partners across Florida.
FIU First to Launch CORE
Florida International University in Miami is the first institution where CORE is being rolled out.
State officials said 11 institutions have committed to participating, with the long-term goal of expanding the initiative to every college, university, technical school and trade school in Florida.
The statewide expansion would create a pipeline of students trained for careers involving disaster preparedness, emergency response and recovery.
Building Florida’s Emergency Management Workforce
Florida’s exposure to hurricanes and other natural disasters has made emergency preparedness and response a major state priority.
Officials said maintaining Florida’s emergency management capabilities requires developing the next generation of professionals who will work before, during and after disasters and other emergencies.
The CORE partnerships are designed to connect classroom education with professional training, certifications and employment opportunities.
Education-to-Employment Pipeline
The program is intended to create a more direct pathway from education to careers in emergency management.
Through partnerships involving state agencies, educational institutions and industry organizations, students could gain specialized training while developing credentials recognized by employers.
The initiative could also help state and local emergency management agencies develop a larger pool of trained candidates as Florida’s population and emergency-response needs continue to grow.
Statewide Expansion Planned
While the program begins at FIU, officials said the broader objective is statewide.
The goal is to eventually establish CORE partnerships throughout Florida’s higher education and workforce-training system, including universities, colleges, technical schools and trade schools.
Florida officials also envision CORE becoming a workforce-development model that other states could replicate.
Key Takeaways
- Program: Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education (CORE)
- Initial launch: Florida International University in Miami
- State partner: Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies
- Participating institutions: 11 institutions have committed so far
- Training: Specialized emergency management education and workforce preparation
- Credentials: Industry-recognized certificates
- Career component: Pathways to emergency management agencies and industry employers
- Long-term goal: Expand CORE to colleges, universities, technical schools and trade schools throughout Florida
- National objective: Develop a Florida workforce model that could be replicated in other states
Florida
Byron Donalds Selects Miami-Dade Sen. Bryan Avila as Running Mate in Florida Governor’s Race
Published
4 days agoon
August 25, 2026MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Republican gubernatorial nominee Byron Donalds selected Florida state Sen. Bryan Avila of Miami-Dade County as his running mate for lieutenant governor, adding a South Florida lawmaker to the GOP ticket for the 2026 general election.
Donalds announced Avila as his choice Tuesday, Aug. 25, at Miami’s historic Freedom Tower, a location closely associated with South Florida’s Cuban exile community.
The selection puts Avila alongside Donalds as Republicans turn their attention to the general election and the race to succeed Gov. Ron DeSantis.
Who Is Bryan Avila?
Avila is a Republican state senator from Miami-Dade County and previously served in the Florida House of Representatives.
His selection gives the Donalds ticket a prominent South Florida presence and adds a lawmaker with experience in both chambers of the Florida Legislature.
The Miami announcement also places immigration, communism, economic opportunity and Florida’s relationship with Latin American communities near the center of the Republican ticket’s general-election messaging.
Road to the General Election
With Avila joining the ticket, Donalds now moves toward the November general election with the Republican nominees for governor and lieutenant governor in place.
The lieutenant governor selection is one of Donalds’ most consequential decisions since securing the Republican nomination, helping define the geographic, political and demographic strategy of his statewide campaign.
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