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Governor Ron DeSantis Petitions Florida Supreme Court for Statewide Grand Jury on COVID-19 Vaccines and Announces Creation of the Public Health Integrity Committee

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Photo by J Willie David, III / Florida National News
WEST PALM BEACH, Fla. — Today, Governor Ron DeSantis held a roundtable discussion joined by Surgeon General Dr. Joseph Ladapo and world-renowned physicians, researchers, and public health experts to discuss adverse events of the mRNA COVID-19 vaccines and announce new, aggressive actions to hold the federal government and Big Pharma accountable, including:
  • Establishing the Public Health Integrity Committee. The Committee will be overseen by the Surgeon General to assess federal public health recommendations and guidance to ensure that Florida’s public health policies are tailored for Florida’s communities and priorities.
  • Filing a petition for a Statewide Grand Jury to investigate crimes and wrongdoing committed against Floridians related to the COVID-19 vaccine.
  • Leading further surveillance into sudden deaths of individuals that received the COVID-19 vaccine in Florida, based on autopsy results. The state will collaborate with the University of Florida to compare research with studies done in other countries.
For more information, click here.
The Biden Administration and pharmaceutical corporations continue to push widespread distribution of mRNA vaccines on the public, including children as young as 6 months old, through relentless propaganda while ignoring real-life adverse events. At today’s roundtable the Governor and health experts discussed data covering serious adverse events. These risks include coagulation disorders, acute cardiac injuries, Bell’s palsy, encephalitis, appendicitis, and shingles.
“Health care professionals should always communicate the risks of a medical intervention to their patients in a manner that is clinically appropriate and meets standards of ethical practice. President Biden and Big Pharma have completely prevented that from happening – it is wrong,” said Surgeon General Dr. Joseph Ladapo. “With these new actions, we will shed light on the forces that have obscured truthful communication about the COVID-19 vaccines.”
Public Health Integrity Committee
The Surgeon General will oversee the Public Health Integrity Committee, a committee of expert researchers charged with assessing federal decisions, recommendations, and guidance related to public health and health care. The Surgeon General would then receive input from the committee to ensure public health policies are tailored for Florida’s communities and aligned with state priorities. Members will include:
  • Jay Bhattacharya, MD, PhD
  • Martin Kuldorff, PhD
  • Tracy Beth Høeg, MD, PhD
  • Joseph Fraiman, MD
  • Christine Stabell Benn, MD, PhD
  • Bret Weinstein, PhD
  • Steven Templeton, PhD
Grand Jury
The pharmaceutical industry and the FDA have refused to release patient-level data for independent researchers. Meanwhile, the COVID-19 vaccines produced by Pfizer and Moderna have received FDA approval for pediatric and adult patients and continue to be marketed as safe and effective, even though the vaccines do not prevent transmission and adverse events have been minimized and disregarded by the Biden Administration and Big Pharma. In response, Governor DeSantis has filed a petition to impanel a statewide grand jury to investigate crimes and wrongs in Florida related to the COVID-19 vaccines and further recommend enforcement methods.
The petition can be found here.
Autopsy Surveillance
Last month, researchers uncovered alarming facts surrounding the COVID-19 vaccine in Germany. Among autopsies performed on 25 people who died unexpectedly within 20 days after COVID-19 vaccination, four indicated deaths due to acute arrhythmogenic cardiac failure. This study concluded that “myocarditis can be a potentially lethal complication following mRNA-based anti-SARS-CoV-2 vaccination.”
To further investigate this phenomenon in Florida, Dr. Ladapo will conduct research through the University of Florida to assess sudden deaths of individuals in good health who received a COVID-19 vaccine. The Department of Health will also utilize disease surveillance and vital statistics to assess such deaths.
“This has been a tremendously difficult time for everybody, but we are near the tail end of it and it is time to start taking stock of what went wrong and make reforms so this doesn’t happen again,” Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, M.D., Ph.D., Professor of Health Policy, Stanford University Medical School. “I think the centrally important issue that caused the problems is that we silenced qualified people from expressing their thinking, and as a result the decision making at the top of the country was absolutely abysmal. When you have censorship, the kinds of suppression of voices that is essentially a social credit system demeaning people who disagree with the CDC, you’re going to get bad decisions that don’t get checked. I am looking forward to working in coming years to reform American public health so that when there is another pandemic we do a much better job than we did during this one.”
“Our group’s research has revealed that vaccines can affect the risk of non-targeted infections,” said Dr. Christine Benn, M.D., Ph.D., Chair of Health Sciences, Department of Clinical Research, University of Southern Denmark. “The new COVID-19 vaccines have not yet been investigated for their potential effects on the risk of other infections.”
“Our study took a magnifying glass to the original Pfizer and Moderna clinical trials that got the vaccines on the market in late 2020. In the original trials, mRNA vaccines increased serious adverse events at a rate considerably higher than initially realized,” said Dr. Joseph Fraiman, M.D., Emergency Medicine Physician, Thibodaux Regional Medical Center. “Our peer-reviewed study which was published this August in one of the field’s leading journals indicates that the mRNA COVID vaccines should be urgently re-evaluated. I believe unless further studies can clearly demonstrate a favorable harm benefit profile, mRNA vaccine use should not be recommended in healthy adults and children. Independent of what our Federal agencies recommend it is their ethical duty to inform the public of these results to allow for informed consent from those who chose to take COVID vaccines.”
“It it clear we urgently need updated and fully transparent vaccines risk-benefit analyses for all age groups for physicians to make informed recommendations and patients to make informed decisions,” said Dr. Tracey Høeg , M.D., Ph.D., Physician Epidemiologist and Clinical Researcher at Department of Epidemiology & Biostatistics, University of California San Francisco, Acumen, LLC. “Blanket mandates or requirements for COVID-19 vaccines are both unscientific and unethical given the vaccines’ ineffectiveness at providing lasting protection from infection or transmission and the uncertainty surrounding the current vaccines’ benefits and risks.”
“It is always important to balance benefits and risks. For older high-risk people who have not vet had Covid, vaccine benefits outweigh potential risks for an adverse reaction,” said Dr. Martin Kulldorf, Ph.D., Scientific Director, Brownstone Institute; Fellow, Hillsdale College’s Academy for Science & Freedom. “For children, young adults and those who have had COVID, the risk of dying from COVID is miniscule, so even a small risk of a serious vaccine adverse reaction, such as myocarditis, will tip the balance against the vaccine.”
“There has been a tremendous loss of trust in public health and I think you can see that in decreased uptake of vaccines that have been traditionally used,” Steve Templeton, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Microbiology and Immunology, Indiana University School of Medicine-Terre Haute.This isn’t just anti-vaxx people; this is people who have really lost trust in the system, and I think you have to restore that trust to get people to believe in the efficacy of vaccines that have been used for decades without problem and have been very effective.”
“The decision making surrounding covid amounts to the largest blunder in human history,” Bret Weinstein, Ph.D., Former Professor of Evolutionary Biology, Evergreen State College. “The censorship is creating a phony sense that there is agreement amongst all of the responsible doctors about what to do and the few doctors who say otherwise are fringe cranks. And this couldn’t be farther from the truth. The message that was given to us from public health authorities was not just inept. It actually went well beyond that. It was really the inverse of everything we should have done. Because it was forced on us with this strong form of coercion, it was widely accepted because people didn’t have a choice. Because the vaccine was so targeted, we effectively drove this pathogen to diversify.”
“It’s a terrible crime that this vaccine has been pushed in the media as long as it has been and has prevented any news of horrible side effects in the main stream media from being communicated,” said Steven Ordonia, victim of adverse events from mRNA vaccines. “This vaccine has nearly ruined my life and severely altered it.”
“Before my vaccine I was active, I worked out and ran Spartan races,” said Michelle Utter, Healthcare Professional and victim of adverse events from mRNA vaccines. “Working in healthcare during the pandemic, we were sent emails telling us the importance of the vaccine and that they were safe and effective. After my first vaccine, an hour later I was experiencing flu like symptoms. Before I got my next shot, I asked if I should get it because I was afraid of having a reaction…I had the pharmacist and other employees coming over to reassure me that I wouldn’t have the same reaction again. Against my gut I took it…45 minutes later I was in the parking lot sick in my car, my hips hurt so bad I couldn’t move, and I had inflammation everywhere. Working in health care you would think that you would get the best care and the best resources available to you but I was ignored, gaslit and abandoned.”

Florida

Democratic Leaders Condemned Susan Valdés’ GOP Switch; Orange Democrats Later Appear Alongside Her

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Republican state Rep. Susan Valdés appears with Orange County Democratic political figures and other attendees during a gathering involving the Puerto Rican Bar Association of Florida at the Florida Capitol in Tallahassee. Among those identified are Samuel Vilchez Santiago, Johanna López and Joel Montilla. Valdés left the Democratic Party for the GOP in December 2024. Courtesy photo.

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Florida Democratic leaders sharply condemned state Rep. Susan Valdés after she left the Democratic Party and joined the Republican Party in December 2024. A later photograph shows prominent Orange County Democrats appearing alongside the Tampa-area Republican lawmaker at a Florida Capitol gathering.

Among those identified at the gathering are Samuel Vilchez Santiago, a former Orange County Democratic Party chair and the 2026 Democratic nominee for Florida House District 43; Democratic state Rep. Johanna López of Orlando; and Joel Montilla, a former candidate for Orange County Commission District 5.

The photograph shows Valdés and other attendees in a legislative office with a Puerto Rican Bar Association of Florida banner displayed behind them.

Their appearance does not establish an endorsement of Valdés or support for her decision to become a Republican. But the photograph provides a notable contrast to the Democratic backlash that followed her party switch.

Valdés Leaves Democrats for GOP

Valdés switched from Democrat to Republican on Dec. 9, 2024, weeks after winning reelection to the Florida House as a Democrat.

Her decision came shortly after an unsuccessful bid to chair the Hillsborough County Democratic Party.

In announcing the switch, Valdés criticized her former party and Democratic House leadership, saying she was tired of Democrats being a party of protesting rather than progress. She also said she wanted to focus on delivering results for her constituents.

Democratic Leaders Condemn Valdés

Valdés’ departure drew immediate criticism from Democratic leaders.

Then-House Democratic Leader Fentrice Driskell characterized the move as a “bait-and-switch” after voters had reelected Valdés as a Democrat.

Florida Democratic Party Chair Nikki Fried called the decision “hypocritical and self-serving,” while Democratic state Sen. Carlos Guillermo Smith of Orlando characterized the switch as “political opportunism.”

The criticism centered heavily on timing: Valdés won another term as a Democrat and then changed parties before beginning that term.

Orange Democrats Later Appear With Valdés

Against that backdrop, the later appearance of Orange County Democrats alongside Valdés presents a political contrast.

Vilchez Santiago previously chaired the Orange County Democratic Party and is now the Democratic nominee for House District 43. López is a Democratic state representative from Orange County. Montilla ran for the nonpartisan Orange County Commission District 5 seat in 2024.

Their presence with Valdés does not establish political support. Democrats and Republicans routinely participate together in legislative, professional and community events.

Vilchez Santiago Appears With Republican as Campaign Funding Draws Scrutiny

The photograph adds another dimension to the political narrative surrounding Vilchez Santiago.

Republican associations and questions of Democratic Party loyalty became issues during the 2026 House District 43 Democratic primary. Against that backdrop, Vilchez Santiago’s own appearances with Republicans — along with any documented campaign contributions from Republican or Republican-aligned donors — can be examined under the same standard.

Campaign-finance records can establish who contributed to his campaign, how much and when. However, receiving contributions from Republican donors is different from saying a campaign was “funded by Republicans.” Such a broader characterization requires evidence establishing the source and significance of that financial support.

Vilchez Santiago’s former position as Orange County Democratic Party chair makes the political contrast more pronounced: the Democratic nominee is pictured alongside a Republican legislator whom Democratic leaders publicly condemned after she left their party.

Same Standard for Political Associations

The central issue is consistency.

A photograph with a Republican does not automatically constitute an endorsement. Neither does attending a bipartisan event or receiving a lawful contribution from an individual Republican.

If political associations with Republicans are considered relevant when evaluating one Democrat’s party loyalty, similar associations involving other Democratic candidates should be evaluated using the same evidentiary standard.

The photograph establishes an appearance. Campaign-finance reports establish contributions. Neither, standing alone, establishes an endorsement, coordination or political alliance.

From Condemnation to Capitol Gathering

Valdés was not simply another Republican legislator at the Capitol. She won reelection as a Democrat before joining the Republican Party and drawing sharp condemnation from Democratic leaders.

The later photograph therefore presents a notable political contrast: Orange County Democratic political figures appearing alongside a Republican lawmaker whose departure from their party Democratic leaders had publicly condemned.

Whether those appearances represented political support requires additional evidence.

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Florida

[COURTS & LAW] Paula Stark Court Record Could Impact Daisy Morales, James Bush III Defamation Lawsuits Against FHDCC

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Stark’s Leon County Election Fight, Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade and Morales’ Orange County Defamation Lawsuit Could Put FHDCC’s Legal Status Under Scrutiny in Three Florida Courts

ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Three Florida court cases. Three counties. One political committee — and an unresolved legal question that could affect two pending defamation lawsuits.

Court records obtained and reviewed by Florida National News show the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) sought permission to become a Party Defendant in Republican state Rep. Paula Stark’s Leon County election lawsuit in June 2026.

Less than a month later, FHDCC took a different procedural position in former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III’s Miami-Dade defamation lawsuit, arguing that it is an unincorporated political organization that lacks the capacity to be sued in its own name.

That position is supported by a sworn affidavit submitted by State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of FHDCC, describing her authority over committee funds and legal matters and stating the committee’s position that it cannot be sued as a political committee.

Now, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has named FHDCC as a defendant in a separate defamation lawsuit in Orange County.

The cases involve different parties, claims and legal issues. FHDCC’s attempt to intervene in Stark’s case does not establish that the committee has capacity to be sued in Bush or Morales.

But the developing record presents a significant question: FHDCC affirmatively asked one Florida circuit court to allow it to become a Party Defendant, then later argued in another that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.

FHDCC Asked to Become a Party Defendant in Stark Case

Stark, a Republican state representative from St. Cloud, sued after election officials determined she failed to qualify for reelection to House District 47.

Her case, Paula Stark v. Cord Byrd, et al., Case No. 2026-CA-1311, was filed in the Second Judicial Circuit in Leon County before Circuit Judge Joshua M. Hawkes.

On June 25, 2026, attorney Mark Herron filed a motion on behalf of FHDCC and Democratic House District 47 candidates Jorge Figueroa and Anthony Nieves.

The filing was expressly titled “Motion to Intervene as a Party Defendants in Pending Election Case” and asked Hawkes to permit FHDCC, Figueroa and Nieves to intervene as Party Defendants under Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.230.

FHDCC also described itself in the motion as an affiliated party committee established under Section 103.092, Florida Statutes, to support Democratic candidates for the Florida House.

The committee asserted that the outcome of Stark’s lawsuit would affect the resources FHDCC would expend in the House District 47 election.

Herron signed the filing as “Attorney for the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee.”

Herron also serves as FHDCC treasurer. His dual role could become relevant if the Bush or Morales defamation lawsuits reach discovery concerning the committee’s organization, finances or decision-making. Any potential testimony would depend on Herron’s firsthand knowledge and applicable attorney-client and other legal protections.

Hawkes Denied FHDCC Intervention

FHDCC did not succeed in becoming a party to Stark’s case.

In his July 8 Order on Petition for Mandamus, Hawkes explained that he denied FHDCC intervention because the committee’s asserted interest amounted to “just a financial stake.”

Hawkes instead allowed Figueroa and Nieves to intervene because their candidacies and political positions were directly affected by whether the primary would remain closed. The written order consequently identifies Figueroa and Nieves — not FHDCC — as intervenors.

That distinction is critical.

The Stark record establishes that FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant. It does not establish that the court accepted FHDCC in that capacity. Hawkes expressly denied the committee’s request.

Hawkes ultimately denied Stark’s request for ballot relief. In his analysis, he also referenced an argument advanced by “counsel for Intervenors.”

The Stark litigation was subsequently closed.

Why Stark Matters

Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC has legal capacity to sue or be sued.

He rejected FHDCC’s intervention because its asserted interest in the election dispute was insufficient.

But the underlying motion remains significant because it establishes that FHDCC, through counsel, affirmatively invoked a Florida court’s jurisdiction and asked to participate as a Party Defendant.

That record could become relevant if FHDCC maintains in other courts that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.

Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade

While Stark’s election litigation was unfolding in Leon County, FHDCC was facing a different legal battle in Miami-Dade.

Former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III filed a defamation lawsuit in August 2025 against Edge Communications, LLC, Strong Community, FHDCC and state Rep. Ashley Gantt.

The case, James Bush III v. Edge Communications, LLC, et al., Case No. 2025-015569-CA-01, was assigned to Section CA31 of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit and Circuit Judge Migna Sanchez-Llorens, according to the court’s Case Management Order.

The order, signed Oct. 11, 2025, established July 8, 2026, as the deadline for summary judgment and dispositive motions, resolution of certain pretrial matters and mediation. It projected an Oct. 6, 2026 trial date.

On July 8 — the same day Hawkes issued his Stark ruling in Leon County — clerk defaults were entered against FHDCC and other defendants in Bush’s lawsuit, according to filings previously reviewed by FNN.

FHDCC moved to set aside its default on July 15.

Bush then filed a Motion for Final Default Judgment on July 29 seeking $1 million, plus costs, against the defaulted defendants.

The distinction is important: Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment. The court has not entered a $1 million judgment based on the records reviewed for this report.

FHDCC Argues It Cannot Be Sued in Its Own Name

FHDCC’s response to the Miami-Dade default creates the central comparison with the Stark record.

In its Motion to Set Aside Default, FHDCC argued that it is a 527 political unincorporated organization that lacks capacity to be sued in its own name.

The committee cited Larkin v. Buranosky, a 2008 Florida appellate decision involving unincorporated political organizations.

That remains FHDCC’s legal position, not a determination by the Miami-Dade court.

But the timing creates a significant comparison:

June 25 — Leon County: FHDCC asks to enter litigation as a Party Defendant.

July 8 — Leon County: Hawkes denies FHDCC intervention.

July 15 — Miami-Dade County: FHDCC argues that its organizational status prevents it from being sued in its own name.

Those positions are not automatically contradictory. Intervention and capacity to be sued are distinct legal questions, and Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC possessed capacity to sue or be sued.

But the records could invite scrutiny of how FHDCC characterizes its legal identity and litigation authority in different proceedings.

FHDCC Chair Hunschofsky Submits Sworn Affidavit

The Miami-Dade dispute took on added significance when State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, submitted a sworn affidavit supporting FHDCC’s effort to set aside the default.

Hunschofsky described FHDCC as a Florida registered political committee affiliated with the Florida Democratic Party but not controlled by it.

She also described her authority within the organization, stating that she is responsible for the allocation of FHDCC funds and for legal actions against the committee and its defense.

Hunschofsky further stated that FHDCC is an unincorporated entity and that the committee understands it “cannot be sued as a political committee.”

She said that after learning Bush had obtained a default, she immediately instructed attorney Juan-Carlos Planas to seek to set aside the default and have the case dismissed based on FHDCC’s position that it cannot be sued under Florida law.

The affidavit represents sworn statements by FHDCC’s chair concerning the committee’s structure and her responsibilities. Her assertion concerning whether FHDCC can be sued is the committee’s legal position; it does not establish that Sanchez-Llorens has accepted that interpretation.

Morales Defamation Lawsuit Brings Question to Orange County

The third case brings the issue to Orange County.

On Aug. 14, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales filed a defamation lawsuit against FHDCC and Democratic House District 43 nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago.

The case, Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, Case No. 482026CA008697A001OX, is pending in the Ninth Judicial Circuit before Circuit Judge Michael Deen.

Morales asserts claims for defamation/libel and defamation by implication arising from political mailers distributed during the Democratic primary campaign.

Among the disputed statements was a representation that Morales endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.

Morales alleges the statements were false and defamatory.

Those allegations remain pending. Neither Vilchez Santiago nor FHDCC has been found liable for defamation.

Vilchez Santiago defeated Morales in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election result does not resolve the civil lawsuit.

Could Stark and Bush Affect Morales?

The Stark intervention record makes the potential Orange County issue clearer.

If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales that it raised against Bush, the Orange County court could be asked to consider a broader record concerning the committee’s legal identity and structure.

That record could include FHDCC’s request to become a Party Defendant in Stark; Herron’s representation of the committee; Hawkes’ denial of FHDCC intervention; FHDCC’s Miami-Dade capacity argument; Hunschofsky’s sworn affidavit; and state records governing the committee’s organization and operations.

None of that evidence establishes the merits of Morales’ defamation claims.

But it could become relevant to a threshold question:

Is FHDCC itself a proper defendant?

And if Florida law ultimately says it is not, another question follows:

Who is the proper party for allegedly actionable conduct undertaken through the committee?

Three Courts, Different Consequences

The issue carries different consequences in each court.

Leon County: FHDCC affirmatively sought Party Defendant status, but Hawkes denied its intervention. Stark’s case is closed, and nothing in the Bush or Morales litigation currently changes that outcome.

Miami-Dade County: The consequences are immediate. Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment while FHDCC is attempting to set aside its default and arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.

Orange County: The issue is prospective. If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales, Deen could be asked to examine the developing Stark and Bush records in determining whether FHDCC is a proper defendant.

One Political Committee, Three Florida Courts

The court records do not establish wrongdoing by FHDCC, Herron, Hunschofsky or their attorneys. Nor do they establish the merits of the Bush or Morales defamation claims.

What they do establish is an unusual litigation record involving the same political committee across three Florida circuit courts.

In Leon County, FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant — and Hawkes denied the request.

In Miami-Dade County, FHDCC is fighting a clerk’s default and Bush’s request for a $1 million final default judgment while arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.

In Orange County, FHDCC is now a named defendant in Morales’ defamation lawsuit.

The cases could ultimately put a fundamental question under scrutiny:

What is the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s legal status — and if FHDCC cannot be sued in its own name, who may be held legally accountable for actionable conduct undertaken through the committee if that conduct is ultimately proven?

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Florida

FIU Becomes First Florida University to Launch CORE Emergency Management Partnership

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MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Florida officials announced the launch of the Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education, or CORE, Program at Florida International University, beginning an initiative designed to strengthen the state’s emergency management workforce through partnerships with colleges, universities and technical and trade schools.

The program will connect higher education institutions with the Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies to provide students with specialized education and training in emergency management.

CORE is also expected to provide opportunities for students to earn industry-recognized certificates and establish pathways to jobs with emergency management offices and private-sector industry partners across Florida.

FIU First to Launch CORE

Florida International University in Miami is the first institution where CORE is being rolled out.

State officials said 11 institutions have committed to participating, with the long-term goal of expanding the initiative to every college, university, technical school and trade school in Florida.

The statewide expansion would create a pipeline of students trained for careers involving disaster preparedness, emergency response and recovery.

Building Florida’s Emergency Management Workforce

Florida’s exposure to hurricanes and other natural disasters has made emergency preparedness and response a major state priority.

Officials said maintaining Florida’s emergency management capabilities requires developing the next generation of professionals who will work before, during and after disasters and other emergencies.

The CORE partnerships are designed to connect classroom education with professional training, certifications and employment opportunities.

Education-to-Employment Pipeline

The program is intended to create a more direct pathway from education to careers in emergency management.

Through partnerships involving state agencies, educational institutions and industry organizations, students could gain specialized training while developing credentials recognized by employers.

The initiative could also help state and local emergency management agencies develop a larger pool of trained candidates as Florida’s population and emergency-response needs continue to grow.

Statewide Expansion Planned

While the program begins at FIU, officials said the broader objective is statewide.

The goal is to eventually establish CORE partnerships throughout Florida’s higher education and workforce-training system, including universities, colleges, technical schools and trade schools.

Florida officials also envision CORE becoming a workforce-development model that other states could replicate.

Key Takeaways

  • Program: Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education (CORE)
  • Initial launch: Florida International University in Miami
  • State partner: Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies
  • Participating institutions: 11 institutions have committed so far
  • Training: Specialized emergency management education and workforce preparation
  • Credentials: Industry-recognized certificates
  • Career component: Pathways to emergency management agencies and industry employers
  • Long-term goal: Expand CORE to colleges, universities, technical schools and trade schools throughout Florida
  • National objective: Develop a Florida workforce model that could be replicated in other states

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