Politics
Trump backs off border shutdown but threatens auto tariffs
WASHINGTON (AP) — Abandoning his threat to immediately seal the southern border, President Donald Trump warned instead on Thursday that he’d slap tariffs on cars coming to the U.S. from Mexico unless the Mexicans do more to stop the flow of migrants and drugs to the U.S.
In his latest backtrack in recent days, Trump told reporters he would try the “less drastic measure” before resorting to his standing border-closure threat.
“Mexico understands that we’re going to close the border or I’m going to tariff the cars. I’ll do one or the other. And probably start off with the tariffs,” Trump said. He added later: “I don’t think we’ll ever have to close the border because the penalty of tariffs on cars coming into the United States from Mexico, at 25 percent, will be massive.”
It was the latest, seemingly sudden attempt at new leverage by a president struggling to solve what his administration has called a border “crisis.” And it was a dramatic departure for Trump, who last week tweeted that he would close the border or large swaths of it this week unless Mexico immediately halted “ALL illegal immigration coming into the United States” — a seemingly impossible task.
Trump said at the time that he was “not kidding around,” and his acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney said in a television interview Sunday that it would take “something dramatic” for Trump not to close down the crossings.
Since then, however, White House advisers, border city leaders and U.S. economists have warned that such a move would have enormous economic consequences on both sides of the border, interrupting supply chains and boosting U.S. consumer prices on everything from avocadoes to autos.
Trump in recent days has also backtracked on his push for Republicans to again take on health care and surprised his own education secretary by reversing a plan to ax federal aid for the Special Olympics.
Those actions have only added to longstanding concerns about whether Trump’s words can be trusted. Trump, who has long said his unpredictability is one of his greatest negotiating assets, has also followed through with some of his most bombastic threats, including forcing the country’s longest-ever government shutdown over border funding.
Trump had already appeared to be easing off his border threat earlier this week. Though he said Tuesday all options remained on the table, he shifted his goal posts, calling on Congress to pass immigration legislation to avert a closure and praising the Mexican government for doing more to apprehend migrants traveling through the country from Central America — though it’s unclear anything has changed.
Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s foreign relations secretary, said Tuesday his government had not changed its policies. And on Thursday, Mexico’s ambassador to the U.S. Martha Barcena told The Associated Press the country was working to make its own border “more orderly” but “migration will never be stopped.”
Jesus Seade, the Mexican undersecretary for North America, also brushed off the threat of new tariffs, saying officials were “not concerned” and noting the tariffs are not part of the United States-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement that the countries have agreed to but not yet ratified.
On Thursday, Trump also threatened tariffs if Mexico doesn’t halt the flow of illegal drugs across the border, saying he’d give the country “a one year warning” to comply.
“But if in a year from now drugs continue to pour in, we’re going to put tariffs on,” he said, adding: “I don’t play games.”
As for concerns his actions might interfere with the trade deal he fought for, Trump said the border was “more important to me than the USMCA.”
Trump has wide-ranging power to impose tariffs on national security grounds, which he has repeatedly used as leverage against other countries. But the USMCA was worded to protect Mexico against auto tariffs based on national security concerns, and trade lawyer Daniel D. Ujczo said those provisions are already in effect under a side letter.
“In short, this is the exact scenario that the Mexican negotiating team predicted and secured protections from in the USMCA,” he said. “Mexico ‘Trump-and-Tweet-proofed’ its auto sector,” and the White House “would need to get very creative to impose auto tariffs on Mexico.”
In addition, despite what Trump suggests, Mexico, China and other American trading partners don’t pay U.S. tariffs directly. American importers pay the tariffs at the border and then must decide how much of the higher cost they can pass along to U.S. customers.
Tariffs do squeeze the manufacturers who export to the U.S. from foreign countries by making their products more expensive in the United States. But there again, that can hit U.S. companies, such as General Motors, which is a major car-maker in Mexico.
Trump has been increasingly exasperated at his inability to halt the swelling number of migrants entering the U.S., including thousands who have being released after arriving because border officials have no space for them. Arrests along the southern border have skyrocketed in recent months and border agents were on track to make 100,000 arrests or denials of entry in March, a 12-year high. More than half of those are families with children, who require extra care.
The president’s “pretty frustrated,” said Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, who spoke with Trump this week and offered to work with the administration “to try to come up with some more targeted ideas,” including changes for remittances to Mexico. Trump suggested he work with the Treasury secretary on the idea, Cornyn said.
Trump has invoked other executive powers, including declaring a national emergency in an effort to secure more money for his long-promised border wall. Congress voted to block the emergency declaration, but Trump vetoed that measure.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Thursday that Democrats would file a lawsuit aimed at preventing Trump from “stealing” billions from federal programs and diverting the money to building barriers along the border.
Administration officials had been studying ways to minimize the economic impact of a potential border closure in case Trump went through with his threat, including keeping trucking lanes open or closing only certain ports.
But even absent that extraordinary step, delays at border stations have been mounting after some 2,000 border officers were reassigned from checking vehicles to deal with migrant crowds.
Florida
Florida CFO Blaise Ingoglia Targets Orange County Over $300 Million in Alleged Wasteful Spending
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Blaise Ingoglia announced that more than $300 million in the 2025-2026 Orange County budget has been identified as “excessive and wasteful spending,” as part of an ongoing statewide review of local government finances.
According to the Florida Agency of Fiscal Oversight, Orange County’s General Fund Budget has increased by 66.06% since 2019. Last year, the CFO’s office identified nearly $200 million in what it described as excessive spending in the county’s 2024-2025 budget.
Ingoglia said the continued increase in spending highlights the need for property tax reform across Florida.
“Last September, my office revealed that Orange County’s local government officials were irresponsibly spending taxpayer dollars,” Ingoglia said in a statement. “Not only did they not heed our warning, but they doubled down on excessive spending. The taxpayers are suffering the consequences of their wasteful spending problem. The time for property tax reform is now.”
ORANGE COUNTY BUDGET GROWTH
State officials reported that Orange County’s General Fund Budget increased by $688,768,908 since 2020, while the county’s population grew by 131,538 residents during that same period.
According to the report, for every family of four that moved to Orange County, the budget increased by approximately $20,945.
The Florida Agency of Fiscal Oversight also stated that Orange County has spent an estimated $747.5 million in excessive or wasteful expenditures over the last six years.
PROPERTY TAX RELIEF PROPOSAL
The report claims Orange County could reduce its millage rate by 1.22 mills without disrupting essential county services. If implemented, homeowners could see annual savings based on taxable property values:
- A taxable home value of $300,000 could save approximately $365 annually.
- A taxable home value of $400,000 could save approximately $486 annually.
- A taxable home value of $500,000 could save approximately $608 annually.
The findings come as Florida leaders continue discussing broader statewide property tax reform initiatives focused on reducing the burden on homeowners.
STATEWIDE FISCAL OVERSIGHT EFFORT
Ingoglia said his office has now uncovered more than $2.4 billion in excessive and wasteful government spending statewide. He pledged to continue reviewing local government budgets and advocating for transparency and accountability in taxpayer spending.
Americans for Prosperity also voiced support for the effort.
“CFO Ingoglia continues to keep his foot on the gas when it comes to identifying wasteful spending within local governments,” said Greg Ungru of Americans for Prosperity. “Taxpayers deserve transparency, especially as Orange County has continued to throw away money over the last six years.”
Florida
Darren Soto Faces Toughest Re-Election Fight as Puerto Rican Political Influence Shifts in Central Florida
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — A decade ago, Central Florida’s growing Puerto Rican population was widely viewed as a political force poised to reshape Florida politics for generations.
Today, that momentum faces growing uncertainty.
As congressional redistricting redraws political boundaries, voter turnout fluctuates, and internal political divisions deepen, Puerto Rican political representation in Central Florida is confronting one of its most significant challenges in modern Florida history.
At the center of the debate is Darren Soto, Florida’s first Puerto Rican member of Congress, who now faces a dramatically reshaped congressional district that political analysts say could strongly favor Republicans in 2026.
The battle over Soto’s political future has become symbolic of a larger question unfolding across Orange and Osceola counties: Can Puerto Rican political influence maintain its footing in a rapidly changing Central Florida electorate?
A Community That Once Redefined Florida Politics
Puerto Rican migration to Central Florida accelerated in the early 2000s and surged further following the economic downturn in Puerto Rico and the devastation caused by Hurricane Maria in 2017.
The migration transformed communities throughout Orlando, Kissimmee and surrounding areas, creating one of the largest Puerto Rican populations in the continental United States.
The political impact soon followed.
Puerto Rican candidates increasingly won elections at both the state and federal levels, creating what many viewed as a rising pipeline of Hispanic leadership in Florida.
That rise included the elections of leaders such as:
US House of Representatives
- Darren Soto (D) — U.S. Congressman(2016) ; former State Senator (2012) and State Representative (2007)
Florida State Senate
- Victor Torres (D) — former State Senator (2016-2024) and State Representative (2012)
Florida House of Representatives
- Susan Plasencia (R) — State Representative (2022)
- Johanna López (D) — State Representative (2022) and former Orange County School Board Member
- Daisy Morales (D) — former State Representative (2020) and former Supervisor of Orange County Soil & Water Conservation District
- Amy Mercado (D) — former State Representative (2016)
- René Plasencia (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- John Cortes (D) — former State Representative (2014)
- Bob Cortes (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- Ricardo Rangel (D) — former State Representative 2012
- John Quiñones (R) — former State Representative (2002) and former Osceola County Commissioner
- Anthony Suarez (D) — former State Representative (1999)
Puerto Rican representation reached a high point during the mid-2010s.
In 2016, six Puerto Rican elected officials simultaneously held seats in Congress or the Florida Legislature, including Soto, Torres, Bob Cortes, John Cortes, Amy Mercado and Rene Plasencia.
Political strategists at the time predicted that Puerto Rican voters could eventually help Democrats establish long-term dominance in Florida.
That projection, however, has not materialized.
Redistricting Changed the Political Landscape
The congressional map approved by Ron DeSantis and the Republican-controlled Legislature significantly altered Central Florida’s political boundaries following the 2020 Census.
The changes reshaped Soto’s congressional district by expanding it eastward and incorporating more conservative coastal and suburban voters.
Under the revised district:
- The Hispanic voting-age population declined substantially.
- Puerto Rican voter concentration dropped sharply.
- White voters became the district’s largest demographic group.
- Republican performance improved across multiple precincts added to the district.
Political analysts say the new map transformed what had been a Democratic-leaning Hispanic-majority district into a far more competitive seat.
The map also intensified concerns among civil rights advocates and Puerto Rican community leaders who argue the changes diluted Hispanic voting power.
Several legal challenges were filed against the congressional maps, though Florida courts have thus far allowed the districts to remain in place.
Election Results Raise Concerns
Recent election outcomes have further fueled debate over the future of Puerto Rican political representation.
In Senate District 25, Puerto Rican leadership ended after term limits forced the departure of Victor Torres.
His wife, Carmen Torres, sought to retain the seat in 2024 with support from Democratic leaders and Puerto Rican political organizations. She ultimately lost to a White candidate, Kristen Arrington.
In House Districts 35, 44 and 47 — districts with large Hispanic populations — White candidates also prevailed.
Meanwhile, former State Representative Daisy Morales lost her re-election bid after facing opposition supported by portions of the Democratic establishment. That opposition included, but not limited to Johanna López (Puerto Rican), who previously served as campaign manager for Samuel Vilchez Santiago during his unsuccessful 2020 challenge against Morales and later strongly supported a white candidate in Morales re-election race in 2022.
Some Puerto Rican community leaders argue these election outcomes reflect a growing disconnect between Central Florida’s expanding Hispanic population and the candidates ultimately elected to represent those communities.
Others point to changing coalition politics in Central Florida, where Venezuelan, Colombian, Brazilian and non-Hispanic voters increasingly shape election outcomes alongside Puerto Rican voters.
Internal Political Divisions Complicate the Picture
Political observers also note that internal divisions within Democratic and Puerto Rican political circles have contributed to leadership turnover.
Several recent races featured:
- Competing endorsements among Puerto Rican leaders.
- Financial support directed toward non-Puerto Rican candidates.
- Divisions between progressive and establishment Democratic factions.
- Low turnout in local and legislative elections.
The victories of candidates such as Rita Harris demonstrated how coalition-building among African American, White progressive and non-Puerto Rican Hispanic voters could overcome traditional Puerto Rican political bases.
Voter Turnout Remains a Major Challenge
Despite population growth, Puerto Rican voter turnout has remained inconsistent in nonpresidential elections.
Political strategists say turnout gaps continue to weaken electoral influence, particularly in:
- Midterm elections.
- Local legislative races.
- Municipal and county contests.
Lower participation rates among younger voters and newly relocated residents have also limited the community’s ability to fully translate population growth into political power.
Republicans, meanwhile, have made gains among Hispanic voters across Florida, particularly among working-class and socially conservative voters concerned about inflation, public safety and economic issues.
Soto Still Maintains Key Advantages
Despite the challenges, Darren Soto enters the next election cycle with several advantages.
Soto remains one of the most recognizable political figures in Central Florida and has built strong relationships throughout Osceola and Orange counties during his years in public office.
Supporters credit Soto with helping secure federal investments involving:
- Transportation infrastructure.
- SunRail expansion efforts.
- Airport development.
- Economic development initiatives.
- Hurricane recovery assistance for Puerto Rican families relocating to Florida.
Democrats also believe backlash against aggressive redistricting and growing concerns over immigration enforcement policies could energize Hispanic voter turnout.
Still, many political analysts acknowledge that the new district lines significantly complicate Soto’s path to reelection.
What Happens if Soto Loses?
If Soto is defeated, Florida could temporarily lose Puerto Rican representation in Congress entirely.
For many community leaders, the symbolic impact would be significant.
Puerto Rican advocates argue that representation matters not only legislatively, but culturally and politically, particularly for communities that spent decades building political infrastructure in Central Florida.
The concern extends beyond a single election cycle.
Currently, Johanna López and Susan Plasencia remain among the few Puerto Rican voices serving in the Florida House.
López has announced she will not seek reelection and instead is running for Orange County commissioner. She endorsed Samuel Vilchez Santiago, a Venezuelan American candidate, to succeed her.
If elected, Santiago would further reflect the political evolution of Central Florida’s Hispanic electorate, where multiple Latino communities increasingly share political influence once largely associated with Puerto Rican voters.
A Defining Election Cycle Ahead
As Central Florida continues to diversify politically and demographically, the 2026 election cycle is expected to test whether Puerto Rican political influence can regroup under new district boundaries and changing coalition dynamics.
For Soto and many longtime Puerto Rican leaders, the coming election may determine whether the political movement that transformed Central Florida over the last two decades can maintain its influence — or whether a new political era is already emerging.
