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Trump’s choice to replace Nielsen focuses on southern border

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WASHINGTON (AP) — Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen has resigned amid President Donald Trump’s growing frustration and bitterness over the number of Central American families crossing the southern border.

Trump announced on Sunday in a tweet that U.S. Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Kevin McAleenan would be taking over as acting head of the department. McAleenan is a longtime border official who is well respected by many members of Congress and within the administration. The decision to name a top immigration officer to the post reflects Trump’s priority for the sprawling department founded to combat terrorism following the Sept. 11 attacks.

“I have determined that it is the right time for me to step aside,” Nielsen wrote in her resignation letter . “I hope that the next secretary will have the support of Congress and the courts in fixing the laws which have impeded our ability to fully secure America’s borders and which have contributed to discord in our nation’s discourse.”

Though Trump aides were eyeing a staff shake-up at the Department of Homeland Security and had already withdrawn the nomination for another key immigration post, the development Sunday was unexpected.

Still, it was unclear how McAleenan would immediately assume the role. The agency’s undersecretary of management, Claire Grady, is technically next in line for the job.

Nielsen traveled to the U.S.-Mexico border on Friday with Trump to participate in a roundtable with border officers and local law enforcement. There she echoed Trump’s comments on the situation at the border, though she ducked out of the room while Trump spoke. As they toured a section of newly rebuilt barriers, Nielsen was at Trump’s side, introducing him to local officials. She returned to Washington afterward as Trump continued on a fundraising trip to California and Nevada.

Nielsen had grown increasingly frustrated by what she saw as a lack of support from other departments and increased meddling by Trump aides on difficult immigration issues, according to three people familiar with details of her resignation. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter.

She went into the White House on Sunday to meet with Trump not knowing whether she’d be fired or would resign. She ended up resigning, though she was not forced to do so, they said.

Nielsen, who says she’s staying on until Wednesday, is the latest person felled in the Trump administration’s unprecedented churn of top staff and Cabinet officials, brought about by the president’s mercurial management style, insistence on blind loyalty and rash policy announcements.

Nielsen was also the highest profile female Cabinet member, and her exit leaves DHS along with the Pentagon and the White House staff itself without permanent heads. Patrick Shanahan has held the post of acting defense secretary since the former secretary, Jim Mattis, was pushed out in December over criticism of the president’s Syria withdrawal plans. Acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney has held his post since January, following John Kelly’s resignation last year.

McAleenan has helped shape many of the administration’s policies to date and is considered highly competent by congressional leaders, the White House and Homeland Security officials. But it’s unclear if he can have much more of an effect on the issues at the border. The Trump administration has bumped up against legal restrictions and court rulings that have hamstrung many of its major efforts to remake border security.

Rep. Joaquin Castro, chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, was critical of Nielsen, saying she spent her tenure “championing President Trump’s cruel anti-immigrant agenda,” and he called McAleenan’s appointment “deeply disturbing.”

“He cannot be trusted as Acting DHS Secretary based on his record of prioritizing Trump’s harmful policies that undermine national security and the economy, and hurt vulnerable families and children at the border,” Castro, a Texas Democrat, said in a statement.

Tensions between the White House and Nielsen have persisted almost from the moment she became secretary, after her predecessor, Kelly, became the White House chief of staff in 2017. Nielsen was viewed as resistant to some of the harshest immigration measures supported by the president and his aides, particularly senior adviser Stephen Miller, both on matters around the border and others like protected status for some refugees.

Once Kelly left the White House, Nielsen’s days appeared to be numbered, and she had expected to be pushed out last November.

During the government shutdown over Trump’s insistence for funding for a border wall, Nielsen’s standing inside the White House appeared to rise. But in recent weeks, as a new wave of migration has taxed resources along the border and as Trump sought to regain control of the issue for his 2020 re-election campaign, tensions flared anew.

The final straw came when Trump gave Nielsen no heads-up or opportunity to discuss his decision to pull the nomination of acting Immigration and Customs Enforcement Director Ron Vitiello — a move seen as part of a larger effort by Miller, an immigration hardliner, and his allies at the White House to clean house at the department and bring in more people who share their views, the people said.

Nielsen had wanted to discuss the move with Trump during their visit to the border Friday, but when there was no time, she asked for the meeting Sunday. She walked into it prepared to resign, depending on what she heard. The people described mounting frustrations on both sides, with Trump exasperated at the situation at the border and Nielsen frustrated by White House actions she felt were counterproductive.

Arrests along the southern border have skyrocketed recently. Border agents are on track to make 100,000 arrests and denials of entry at the southern border in March, more than half of which are families with children. A press conference to announce the most recent border numbers — scheduled to be held by McAleenan on Monday — was postponed.

Nielsen dutifully pushed Trump’s immigration policies, including funding for his border wall, and defended the administration’s practice of separating children from parents. She told a Senate committee that removing children from parents facing criminal charges happens “in the United States every day.” But she was also instrumental in ending the policy.

Under Nielsen, migrants seeking asylum are waiting in Mexico as their cases progress. She also moved to abandon longstanding regulations that dictate how long children are allowed to be held in immigration detention and requested bed space from the U.S. military for 12,000 people in an effort to detain all families who cross the border. Right now there is space for about 3,000 families, and facilities are at capacity.

Nielsen also advocated for strong cybersecurity defense and often said she believed the next major terror attack would occur online — not by planes or bombs. She was tasked with helping states secure elections following Russian interference during the 2018 election.

She led the federal agency since December 2017 and was this administration’s third Homeland Security secretary. A protege of Kelly’s, he brought her to the White House after Trump named him chief of staff.

Nielsen, 45, previously served as a special assistant to President George W. Bush and worked for the Transportation Security Administration.

She rose through the Trump ranks quickly — joining the transition team after the election to help guide Kelly through the confirmation process. She quickly became a trusted aide to Kelly, and the two worked together to impose order on a dysfunctional White House that lacked clear lines of command.

House Homeland Security Committee Chairman Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., said her tenure was “a disaster from the start.” The policies she helped create “have been an abysmal failure and have helped create the humanitarian crisis at the border.”

His Senate counterpart, Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., said the government needed “steady, informed and effective leadership in the administration and in Congress to have any hope of fixing our out-of-control border security and immigration problems.”

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Florida

Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee Chair Christine Hunschofsky Faces Lawsuits, Election Complaints

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Who is next? Lawsuits and Florida election complaints put the incoming House Democratic leader’s oversight of political attacks, campaign spending and tactics against former Democratic lawmakers under scrutiny

ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Incoming Florida House Democratic Leader Christine Hunschofsky, a former Parkland mayor is facing growing scrutiny over campaign tactics by the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, the party-affiliated committee she chairs, as former Democratic lawmakers challenge political attacks through lawsuits and Florida election complaints.

The disputes are placing increased scrutiny on Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, and Cassidy Whitaker, the committee’s caucus director for the 2026 election cycle.

The controversy goes beyond ordinary party infighting, with former Democratic lawmakers alleging that FHDCC used opposition research and campaign communications containing false or misleading information to attack members of its own party.

Those allegations raise questions about the committee’s research, approval process and campaign tactics — and whether House Democratic leaders can rebuild trust with lawmakers targeted by the same political organization they are expected to help lead.

Former Democratic lawmakers are now turning to the courts and Florida’s election complaint process to challenge FHDCC-linked campaign tactics, intensifying scrutiny of the committee’s leadership, spending, opposition research and oversight.

The lawsuits and complaints remain allegations. They do not establish that Hunschofsky, FHDCC or others violated the law.

But the controversy is no longer simply an internal Democratic campaign fight.

FHDCC Faces Real Legal Challenges

State Representative-Elect and former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III sued FHDCC and other defendants in Miami-Dade County over allegedly defamatory election communications.

Former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has separately challenged campaign communications involving FHDCC through litigation in Orange County and Florida’s election complaint process.

The cases involve separate elections and allegations and must be decided on their individual evidence.

State Rep.-elect Daphne Campbell, a former state senator and former state representative, told Florida National News in a phone interview that she is considering filing a defamation lawsuit as well.

Together, however, they place FHDCC’s campaign practices under greater scrutiny and create a leadership test for Hunschofsky as she prepares to lead Florida House Democrats.

Hunschofsky’s Leadership Under Scrutiny

Hunschofsky’s position as chair does not automatically make her personally liable for every communication, expenditure or decision made by FHDCC.

But leadership brings accountability for how an organization operates.

Political attack campaigns require research, writing, production, vendors, financing and distribution. FHDCC’s internal structure determines how those activities are authorized and supervised.

That makes Hunschofsky’s authority, knowledge and oversight relevant as the committee responds to legal challenges involving its campaign activity.

The central issue is straightforward: What happened under the FHDCC banner, and what responsibility did its leadership have for it?.

Party Establishment vs. Voters’ Choice

The controversy also exposes a deeper tension between party leadership and voters who expect to choose representatives based on the priorities of their communities.

Political parties can recruit, endorse and financially support candidates.

Voters make the final choice.

Heavy intervention by a party organization in a Democratic primary can create the perception that party leaders are trying to make that choice for voters.

That can damage trust when voters believe local experience, constituent service and understanding of their community matter more than the preferences of party leadership.

Democrats Spending Money Fighting Democrats

The internal battles come as Florida Democrats face a larger electoral challenge.

Republicans hold substantial power in Tallahassee, while Democrats need financial resources to compete for legislative seats and statewide offices.

Money spent attacking Democrats in expensive Democratic primaries cannot simultaneously be spent challenging Republicans.

FHDCC has the right to participate in elections within the law. But intraparty battles followed by lawsuits and election complaints create a political question about whether those resources are advancing the committee’s broader mission of electing Democrats.

Minority Democrats and Party Trust

The disputes also involve former minority Democratic lawmakers.

Bush and Campbell are Black. Morales is Puerto Rican, Hispanic.

That does not establish racial or ethnic discrimination by Hunschofsky or FHDCC.

But former minority Democratic lawmakers turning to courts and election regulators over tactics associated with their own party creates a political challenge for Democrats, who depend heavily on Black and Hispanic voters.

Those voters have the same interest as every Florida voter in accurate campaign information, fair elections and political organizations that follow the rules.

A Political Standard That Should Apply to Both Parties

The controversy also creates an uncomfortable comparison for Democrats who have criticized President Donald Trump’s aggressive treatment of political opponents.

The lawsuits and election complaints do not establish that FHDCC copied Trump’s strategy or adopted a “Trump playbook.”

But they raise a broader question of consistency.

Democrats who demand accountability when Republicans exercise political power aggressively should be prepared to apply the same standards to organizations within their own party.

Republicans should do the same when allegations involve their side.

Fairness cannot depend on which party benefits.

From Political Fight to Legal Process

Negative campaigning and opposition research are legal and receive substantial First Amendment protection.

Political committees, however, remain subject to election laws, campaign-finance requirements and civil law.

A lawsuit does not prove defamation.

FHDCC’s separate argument that it cannot be sued.

An election complaint does not prove an election-law violation.

Neither automatically creates a criminal investigation.

If evidence ultimately supports potential criminal conduct, the appropriate law-enforcement agency or prosecutor — not political parties, candidates or news organizations — determines whether an investigation is warranted.

The principle protects everyone: allegations must be proven, due process must be respected and political influence should not shield proven violations.

Who Is Next?

The growing legal disputes leave FHDCC with a political problem extending beyond Bush, Morales and Campbell.

Who is next on the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s target list?

No Democrat is entitled to immunity from legitimate political criticism simply because that candidate belongs to the party.

But candidates should be able to expect political organizations to play by the rules.

The same principle applies to Republicans.

Political organizations can fight hard, expose legitimate weaknesses and spend money advocating for their candidates.

They still have to follow the law.

Hunschofsky Faces a Leadership Test

Hunschofsky is not watching the controversy from outside the organization.

She chairs the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee while preparing to lead Florida House Democrats, including minority Democratic lawmakers who were targeted by the committee’s campaign attacks.

The lawsuits and election complaints therefore put FHDCC’s governance, campaign strategy and financial oversight directly within the public debate surrounding her leadership.

The courts will determine the civil allegations before them. Election regulators will determine matters within their jurisdiction. If evidence independently supports potential criminal violations, law-enforcement authorities can determine whether an investigation is warranted.

For Hunschofsky, the leadership test is whether the committee she chairs can defend its campaign practices, account for its spending and maintain the trust of Democratic voters while the allegations move through Florida’s courts and election-enforcement system.

The lawsuits and election complaints remain allegations. They are not findings that Hunschofsky or FHDCC violated the law.

For Florida voters, the standard should be simple:

Play by the rules. Follow the evidence. Apply the law equally.

Florida National News is seeking comment from Hunschofsky and FHDCC regarding the lawsuits, election complaints, campaign spending and committee oversight. FNN will update this report with responses and significant developments.

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Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee Faces Defamation Lawsuits, Possible Election Complaints

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Democratic state Reps.-elect Daphne Campbell and James Bush III and former state Rep. Daisy Morales say they were targeted by their own party’s Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee during their respective campaigns.

Two former Democratic lawmakers have sued the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee over alleged false campaign communications, while a third weighs legal action amid growing concerns about voter impact and election integrity.

ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Two former Democratic state representatives have filed defamation lawsuits a year apart naming the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee as a defendant, while a third former lawmaker told Florida National News she is considering legal action following Tuesday’s primary.

Former state Reps. James Bush III and Daisy Morales filed separate lawsuits in Miami-Dade and Orange counties alleging false or defamatory political communications were disseminated during their campaigns.

Former state Sen. Daphne Campbell, who won Tuesday’s Democratic primary for Florida House District 108, told FNN in a phone interview that she is considering a defamation lawsuit involving the committee. Campbell and Bush, who won the Democratic nomination for House District 109, also told FNN they are considering complaints with the Florida Elections Commission.

The allegations have not been adjudicated. Filing a lawsuit or election complaint does not establish wrongdoing, and the defendants are entitled to contest the claims.

Two Lawsuits, One Common Defendant

The Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee is a defendant in separate defamation cases filed approximately one year apart by Bush and Morales.

Miami-Dade: James Bush III Lawsuit

Case: James Bush III v. Ashley Gantt, et al.
Court: 11th Judicial Circuit, Miami-Dade County
Filed: Aug. 12, 2025
Plaintiff: James Bush III
Defendants: State Rep. Ashley Gantt; Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee; Stronger Together, a political committee; and Edge Communications
Damages sought: More than $1 million and a jury trial

Bush’s seven-page complaint alleges defamatory information was disseminated through campaign mailers, telephone calls and electronic communications during his 2022 re-election campaign.

The communications included portrayals of Bush as aligned with Republicans and Gov. Ron DeSantis and criticism of his legislative record.

Bush alleges the communications contained false factual assertions that damaged his reputation. Gantt and her attorney have called the lawsuit baseless. The allegations have not been proven in court.

In a phone interview with FNN, Bush said the controversy should be examined for its potential impact on voters and the integrity of the election process.

The Honorable Daisy Morales, Democrat, Florida House District 48 (2020-2022)

Orlando: Daisy Morales Lawsuit

Case: Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee
Case No.: 482026CA008697A001OX
Court: Ninth Judicial Circuit, Orange County
Filed: Aug. 14, 2026
Assigned judge: Circuit Judge Michael Deen
Plaintiff: Daisy Morales
Defendants: Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee
Claims: Defamation/libel and defamation by implication
Damages: More than $50,000 for jurisdictional purposes, with damages to be determined by a jury

Morales’ 23-page complaint centers on political communications distributed during the closing days of the House District 43 Democratic primary.

The lawsuit alleges a campaign mailer falsely represented as fact that Morales had “endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party (DEC).”

Morales disputes those characterizations and alleges the communications damaged her reputation, political standing and candidacy while Democratic voters were deciding the primary.

“This goes beyond whether one candidate wins or loses,” Morales told FNN. “When voters are deliberately given false statements of fact immediately before an election, it can affect their decisions before a court or election agency ever has an opportunity to determine what actually happened.”

The defendants have not been found liable, and the allegations remain pending.

The Honorable Daphne Cambpell, Democrat, Former State Representative, Former State Senator and State Representative-Elect, Florida House District 108

 

Campbell Considering Third Defamation Case

Campbell told FNN she is reviewing a possible defamation lawsuit involving the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee following her HD 108 campaign.

Campbell, who previously served in both the Florida House and Senate, defeated two opponents Tuesday to win the Democratic nomination.

She described what she views as a broader problem involving Democratic establishment influence, political committees and the treatment of candidates who challenge party-backed or establishment-preferred candidates.

Campbell also told FNN that a congressional candidate is considering a possible defamation action involving the committee.

FNN has not independently confirmed that prospective lawsuit and is withholding the candidate’s identity pending an on-the-record statement or court filing. FNN will report separately if litigation is filed.

Lawmakers Point to Similar Campaign Tactics

Bush, Campbell and Morales say their experiences raise broader questions about political mailers, text messages, telephone outreach and other communications used to influence Democratic primary voters.

Bush alleges false information was disseminated through mailers, calls and electronic communications. Morales alleges false or materially misleading factual statements were distributed through political advertising. Campbell says she is reviewing communications from her campaign to determine whether legal action is warranted.

The similarities do not establish coordination or a broader scheme.

Evidence of common decision-makers, financing, consultants, vendors, opposition research, messaging or approval processes would be necessary to substantiate broader allegations. Such evidence could potentially emerge through civil discovery or an investigation by an agency with jurisdiction.

 

The Legal Divide: Defamation, Election Violations and Election Contests

The disputes involve three separate areas of law: civil defamation, election-law enforcement and election contests.

Candidates and public officials face a high constitutional threshold in defamation cases involving public issues. Under the U.S. Supreme Court’s New York Times Co. v. Sullivan standard, a public official generally must establish “actual malice” — that a defamatory statement was made with knowledge of its falsity or reckless disregard for whether it was false.

That means negative, misleading or damaging political speech does not automatically constitute defamation. Courts must distinguish actionable false statements of fact from protected opinion, rhetoric and political criticism.

The Florida Elections Commission serves a different function. It investigates alleged violations within its statutory election-law and campaign-finance jurisdiction. It is not a general defamation court.

An election complaint therefore must identify conduct violating a specific election statute; an allegation that political advertising was false or defamatory does not, standing alone, establish an election-law violation.

Florida Election-Contest Law Does Not Expressly List Defamation

A third legal issue could have broader implications.

Under Section 102.168, Florida Statutes, an unsuccessful candidate may contest an election or nomination on specified grounds, including certain misconduct, fraud or corruption by election officials or canvassing-board members sufficient to change or place the result in doubt; the successful candidate’s ineligibility; sufficient illegal votes or rejected legal votes; and specified bribery.

The statute does not expressly identify defamatory campaign communications by a candidate, political committee or party organization as an independent ground for contesting an election.

Morales says that is a gap Florida lawmakers should examine.

 

Impact on Voters: Election Day Moves Faster Than the Courts

The lawmakers say the central problem is timing.

Political mailers, texts, digital advertisements and telephone communications can reach thousands of voters within days. Defamation litigation can take months or years.

An election can therefore be certified long before a judge or jury determines whether a disputed campaign statement was defamatory.

“The voter is also harmed when an election decision is based on deliberately false information,” Morales said. “You cannot give voters their vote back six months or two years later after a court finally determines what was true.”

That creates a difficult balance. The First Amendment provides extensive protection for political speech, including harsh criticism of candidates. At the same time, candidates can be held accountable under existing law for actionable defamatory statements when the required elements and constitutional standards are proven.

 

Former State Representative Daisy Morales

Morales Calls for Election-Contest Law Amendment

Morales said Florida should examine whether its election-contest statute should provide a narrowly tailored remedy when defamatory campaign conduct is proven and there is sufficient evidence that it materially affected an election.

She said lawmakers should study approaches taken by states including California and Oregon, while developing a Florida-specific proposal consistent with First Amendment protections.

“Florida’s election-contest law needs to be amended for the realities of modern elections,” Morales said. “If a court determines that a candidate, political committee or another political actor knowingly used defamatory false statements to influence voters, and there is sufficient evidence that the conduct materially affected the election, Florida law should provide an appropriate election remedy.”

Morales said any legislation should impose a high evidentiary threshold and distinguish legitimate criticism and political opinion from provably false statements of material fact.

Such legislation would raise significant constitutional questions and would require careful drafting to protect political speech and prevent ordinary campaign disputes from becoming grounds for overturning election results.

Why Courts and Election Regulators Matter

The existence of two lawsuits against the same political organization does not prove a coordinated operation.

But civil litigation can potentially uncover evidence through discovery, including contracts, invoices, communications, advertising drafts, opposition research, vendor relationships, approval records and information concerning what individuals knew before disputed material was disseminated.

Depending on what such evidence establishes, it could be relevant to the civil lawsuits or to separately alleged election-law violations within the Florida Elections Commission’s jurisdiction.

For now, there is one documented connection: Bush and Morales, two former Democratic Florida House members in different counties and election cycles, have separately named the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee as a defendant in defamation litigation arising from campaign communications.

Campbell says she may become the third former Democratic lawmaker to pursue such a claim.

Whether the cases represent unrelated episodes of hard-fought primary politics or evidence of something broader cannot be determined from the lawsuits alone.

For Florida voters, however, the cases raise a larger question:

What remedy should exist if intentionally false factual campaign communications are eventually proven defamatory — and also proven to have materially affected an election — after the ballots have already been counted?

Bush and Morales have taken their allegations to court. Campbell says she is considering doing the same.

Morales now says the question should also go before the Florida Legislature.

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Florida

‘Floridians Have Voted for Change’: Angie Nixon Claims Democratic U.S. Senate Nomination

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Jacksonville state representative declares grassroots victory, targets Ashley Moody and says Democrats have 77 days to flip Florida’s U.S. Senate seat

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. (FNN) — State Rep. Angie Nixon declared that “Floridians have voted for change” after winning the Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate, portraying her primary victory as a rejection of corporate political influence and the beginning of a 77-day general election campaign against Republican U.S. Sen. Ashley Moody.

Nixon used her victory statement to emphasize the grassroots nature of her campaign and outline an economic agenda focused on lowering costs, raising wages and expanding health care.

“We did it,” Nixon said. “We won this primary without taking a dime of corporate PAC money. No corporate checks. No billionaire-funded machine. Just a 100% grassroots campaign powered by people like you.”

NIXON: FLORIDA VOTERS ‘WANT SOMEONE WHO WILL FIGHT’

Nixon characterized her victory as part of broader voter frustration with the political establishment.

“Florida voters were fed up,” Nixon said. “They made it clear that they want someone who will fight for the change that actually helps their lives such as lower costs, higher wages, Medicare for All, and a people-powered government that prioritizes families.”

Her victory gives Florida Democrats a progressive nominee who has spent years battling Republican policies from the floor of the Florida House.

Nixon’s campaign now faces the considerably larger challenge of converting that primary coalition into enough statewide support to defeat Moody in November.

GRASSROOTS CAMPAIGN DEFEATS BETTER-FUNDED OPPONENT

Nixon’s victory over retired Army Lt. Col. Alex Vindman was also a significant test of campaign money versus grassroots organizing.

Vindman entered the race with national recognition and substantially greater financial resources, while Nixon emphasized small-dollar donors and her refusal to accept corporate PAC contributions.

Following the result, Vindman quickly endorsed his former primary rival.

“Rep. Nixon ran a strong campaign,” Vindman said in his election-night statement. “I will be standing by her side in the fight against Ashley Moody.”

The endorsement gives Nixon an early opportunity to begin unifying Democrats after the primary.

NIXON POINTS TO BATTLES WITH DESANTIS, MAGA MOVEMENT

Nixon also used her victory speech to highlight her history of confrontation with Gov. Ron DeSantis and conservative political activists.

“The opposition threw everything they had at us,” Nixon said. “Ron DeSantis had me censured. I was arrested. MAGA tried scaring me.”

Nixon continued: “They tried to intimidate us, silence us, and stop this movement. They failed.”

Those assertions were made by Nixon in her campaign statement. The circumstances surrounding her censure and arrest provide important context when reporting those claims independently.

Nixon has developed a reputation as one of the Florida Legislature’s most outspoken

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