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Biden year one takeaways: Grand ambitions, humbling defeats

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Joe Biden’s long arc in public life has always had one final ambition: to sit behind the Resolute Desk of the Oval Office.

He achieved it — albeit, at 78, as the oldest person to assume the presidency. After the turbulence and chaos of his predecessor, Donald Trump, Biden was seen by voters as one who could restore a sense of normalcy and a reassuring tone to the White House.

But Biden also found out, as all his predecessors have, that events beyond his control would shape his time in office and the public’s assessment of him.

Takeaways from The Associated Press’ White House team on Biden’s first year as president:

BIG AMBITIONS

Biden started his presidency with more than $4 trillion worth of big ideas — his eyes larger than what the Senate could stomach.

$1.9 trillion worth of coronavirus relief passed in March, which in many first years in office would have been considered a signature achievement.

But Biden kept asking for more: an additional $2.3 trillion for infrastructure and jobs, and another $1.8 trillion for families.

After some tortuous negotiations, he got a version of his infrastructure plan passed and even got more than a dozen Republicans in the Senate to vote for it.

But attention spans are short. Biden’s $1.8 trillion package, which he labeled “Build Back Better,” had elements that included a wish list of Democratic priorities for the past decade — a child care tax credit, climate legislation, paid family leave and universal prekindergarten, among other provisions.

So far, it looks like the bill was not, to turn the expression on its head, too big to fail. Republicans abandoned him on this, and several Democrats were also skeptics. Then inflation surged, and the plan’s chances plummeted.

— By Josh Boak

HE STILL THINKS LIKE A SENATOR

Biden was a senator for nearly four decades, so it’s perhaps no surprise that he brings a legislator’s mindset to his presidency.

Known as an adept negotiator from his time in the Senate, Biden still immerses himself in legislative negotiations and is versed in the minutiae of his proposals. He believes in the value of personal connections and face-to-face conversations in negotiating details, frequently calling key senators or having lawmakers meet with him at the White House.

Biden emphasizes the need for bipartisanship, a value he held dear in the Senate. But it’s one that, in today’s sharply divided Washington, feels out of touch with the moment.

Biden also keeps the schedule of a senator: He’s often late to events and likes to get out of town on the weekends, returning home to Delaware.

One major difference? Now he’s riding Air Force One instead of Amtrak.

— By Alexandra Jaffe

SHOOTING HIGH AND FALLING SHORT

Biden inherited a long list of unfulfilled Democratic policy priorities when he took office, but despite his best efforts, most remain so.

Taking office after Trump’s efforts to subvert the will of voters, no issue seemed so urgent for Biden as the push for legislation on voting protections.

Biden’s attempt to break a logjam on the legislation by pushing for the Senate to change its rules to pass bills by a simple majority was quashed before it even really began by two moderate members of his own party.

It was emblematic of how Biden’s central rationale for his presidency — his nearly four decades in Washington uniquely positioned him to deliver on an immensely ambitious agenda — seems increasingly out of step with today’s politics.

Biden bet unsuccessfully that personal relationships, private cajoling and public arm-twisting could overcome years of increasingly bitter partisan divisions and ideological disagreements.

The lack of progress on voting rights, immigration, climate change, gun control and abortion protections remains an unmet burden.

— By Zeke Miller

NO OBAMA 2.0

Biden came to office trumpeting “America is back,” his shorthand message to allies and adversaries that the days of Trump’s inward-looking “America first” foreign policy were over.

But his approach to the world has also been notable for its determination to avoid some of the missteps of his old boss, Barack Obama.

Biden stood by his pledge to meet an August deadline to end the war in Afghanistan even as military commanders and some political allies urged him to slow down what ended up being a chaotic and bloody U.S. military withdrawal. As vice president, Biden had opposed Obama’s move to surge more U.S. troops into the country. But the exit Biden presided over was widely criticized for its haste and execution, which included U.S. troop casualties.

Biden also came to office with a greater deal of skepticism than Obama — and Trump and George W. Bush for that matter — about Russian President Vladimir Putin. Obama sought to “reset” the U.S.-Russia relationship. By 2014, after a series of earlier disappointments, Obama’s hope for a reset had evaporated when Russia seized the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea from Ukraine.

Biden made it clear early on that his highest hope for the Putin relationship was finding a measure of stability and predictability. With his administration pressing Putin to step back from Russia’s current troop buildup on the Ukraine border, it remains to be seen if Biden’s approach will net better results.

— By Aamer Madhani

A GILDED CAGE

For a man who wanted to get to the White House in the worst way for decades, Biden doesn’t seem that enamored with the place.

Over his first year in office, he’s spent at least a portion of 99 days in his home state of Delaware, mostly during weekend trips and amounting to more than a fourth of his presidency. It’s a short jaunt that requires a massive operation involving security contingents, press pools, helicopters and buses.

As for the White House, Biden calls his accommodations on Pennsylvania Avenue a bit of a “gilded cage in terms of being able to walk outside and do things.”

“I said when I was running, I wanted to be president not to live in the White House but to be able to make the decisions about the future of the country,” he said in a CNN interview.

The vice presidential residence in Northwest D.C., which sits on 80 acres (32 hectares), was very different, he said.

“You can walk off a porch in the summer and jump in a pool, and, you know, go into work,” he said. “You can ride a bicycle around and never leave the property.”

— By Colleen Long

ALL ABOUT BEAU

Biden’s late son, Beau, sometimes seems as much a part of Biden’s presidency as Biden himself.

Biden works references to his son into speeches and other public remarks, and sometimes wears a baseball cap bearing the logo of Beau’s child protection foundation.

Beau was being groomed to follow his father into national politics — and perhaps one day be president. He was a Delaware attorney general, served in the state’s Army National Guard and advised his father politically.

Brain cancer took him away from his wife and two young children in 2015 at age 46. He’s the second child Biden has buried; a 1972 car wreck killed the president’s first wife and baby daughter.

Biden said during his 2020 presidential campaign that Beau should have been the candidate.

On the eve of his swearing-in, a tearful Biden said his “one regret” was that Beau wasn’t alive “because we should be introducing him as president.”

— By Darlene Superville

BETTER AT BEING A VP THAN HAVING A VP

Obama did not choose Biden because the two were personally close. He chose him because he added some foreign policy heft and experience and could serve as a bridge to Congress.

But over time, the two became personally closer. Obama tasked Biden with being the “sheriff” to oversee how money in the 2009 stimulus bill was spent during the financial crisis. He also assigned him to help fashion a plan to end the war in Iraq.

When Biden was considering a run to succeed Obama in 2016, the president was cool to the idea and his vice president bowed out in favor of Hillary Clinton.

Still, Obama’s regard for his vice president was on display at the end of their tenure, when he presented Biden with the Medal of Freedom in an emotional ceremony.

Biden’s relationship with Vice President Kamala Harris hasn’t been nearly as smooth.

Her role in the job is historic: She’s the first woman and first Asian and Black vice president. But she’s struggled to find her footing, and Biden hasn’t been much of a guide, though the two insist publicly that their relationship is solid.

Biden has assigned Harris some of the administration’s most difficult issues, including immigration and voting rights. And while Biden himself served as top cop on the stimulus law, he gave the task of overseeing spending from his $1 trillion infrastructure law instead to a former mayor, Mitch Landrieu of New Orleans, rather than his vice president.

— By Colleen Long

ALL THE PRESIDENT’S CZARS

From infrastructure to COVID-19 response, Biden has hired White House coordinators to marshal the resources of the federal government to implement his policies. In the case of combating climate change, Biden went so far as to put two in place — Gina McCarthy to lead the domestic initiative and former Secretary of State John Kerry to lead it globally.

Biden knows a thing or two about czars: He was one, when he led the implementation of the American Recovery Act for President Barack Obama. But it’s telling that rather than relying on Cabinet secretaries or his own vice president, he’s chosen experienced and often politically connected managers like Gene Sperling, who leads implementation of the COVID-19 relief bill, and Jeff Zients, who runs the government response to the virus.

This reflects not just the Biden White House’s technocratic streak but also the centralization of power within the West Wing.

— By Zeke Miller

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Florida

FIU Becomes First Florida University to Launch CORE Emergency Management Partnership

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MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Florida officials announced the launch of the Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education, or CORE, Program at Florida International University, beginning an initiative designed to strengthen the state’s emergency management workforce through partnerships with colleges, universities and technical and trade schools.

The program will connect higher education institutions with the Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies to provide students with specialized education and training in emergency management.

CORE is also expected to provide opportunities for students to earn industry-recognized certificates and establish pathways to jobs with emergency management offices and private-sector industry partners across Florida.

FIU First to Launch CORE

Florida International University in Miami is the first institution where CORE is being rolled out.

State officials said 11 institutions have committed to participating, with the long-term goal of expanding the initiative to every college, university, technical school and trade school in Florida.

The statewide expansion would create a pipeline of students trained for careers involving disaster preparedness, emergency response and recovery.

Building Florida’s Emergency Management Workforce

Florida’s exposure to hurricanes and other natural disasters has made emergency preparedness and response a major state priority.

Officials said maintaining Florida’s emergency management capabilities requires developing the next generation of professionals who will work before, during and after disasters and other emergencies.

The CORE partnerships are designed to connect classroom education with professional training, certifications and employment opportunities.

Education-to-Employment Pipeline

The program is intended to create a more direct pathway from education to careers in emergency management.

Through partnerships involving state agencies, educational institutions and industry organizations, students could gain specialized training while developing credentials recognized by employers.

The initiative could also help state and local emergency management agencies develop a larger pool of trained candidates as Florida’s population and emergency-response needs continue to grow.

Statewide Expansion Planned

While the program begins at FIU, officials said the broader objective is statewide.

The goal is to eventually establish CORE partnerships throughout Florida’s higher education and workforce-training system, including universities, colleges, technical schools and trade schools.

Florida officials also envision CORE becoming a workforce-development model that other states could replicate.

Key Takeaways

  • Program: Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education (CORE)
  • Initial launch: Florida International University in Miami
  • State partner: Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies
  • Participating institutions: 11 institutions have committed so far
  • Training: Specialized emergency management education and workforce preparation
  • Credentials: Industry-recognized certificates
  • Career component: Pathways to emergency management agencies and industry employers
  • Long-term goal: Expand CORE to colleges, universities, technical schools and trade schools throughout Florida
  • National objective: Develop a Florida workforce model that could be replicated in other states

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Florida

Byron Donalds Selects Miami-Dade Sen. Bryan Avila as Running Mate in Florida Governor’s Race

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MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Republican gubernatorial nominee Byron Donalds selected Florida state Sen. Bryan Avila of Miami-Dade County as his running mate for lieutenant governor, adding a South Florida lawmaker to the GOP ticket for the 2026 general election.

Donalds announced Avila as his choice Tuesday, Aug. 25, at Miami’s historic Freedom Tower, a location closely associated with South Florida’s Cuban exile community.

The selection puts Avila alongside Donalds as Republicans turn their attention to the general election and the race to succeed Gov. Ron DeSantis.

Who Is Bryan Avila?

Avila is a Republican state senator from Miami-Dade County and previously served in the Florida House of Representatives.

His selection gives the Donalds ticket a prominent South Florida presence and adds a lawmaker with experience in both chambers of the Florida Legislature.

The Miami announcement also places immigration, communism, economic opportunity and Florida’s relationship with Latin American communities near the center of the Republican ticket’s general-election messaging.

Road to the General Election

With Avila joining the ticket, Donalds now moves toward the November general election with the Republican nominees for governor and lieutenant governor in place.

The lieutenant governor selection is one of Donalds’ most consequential decisions since securing the Republican nomination, helping define the geographic, political and demographic strategy of his statewide campaign.

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Florida

Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee Chair Christine Hunschofsky Faces Lawsuits, Election Complaints

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Who is next? Lawsuits and Florida election complaints put the incoming House Democratic leader’s oversight of political attacks, campaign spending and tactics against former Democratic lawmakers under scrutiny

ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Incoming Florida House Democratic Leader Christine Hunschofsky, a former Parkland mayor is facing growing scrutiny over campaign tactics by the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, the party-affiliated committee she chairs, as former Democratic lawmakers challenge political attacks through lawsuits and Florida election complaints.

The disputes are placing increased scrutiny on Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, and Cassidy Whitaker, the committee’s caucus director for the 2026 election cycle.

The controversy goes beyond ordinary party infighting, with former Democratic lawmakers alleging that FHDCC used opposition research and campaign communications containing false or misleading information to attack members of its own party.

Those allegations raise questions about the committee’s research, approval process and campaign tactics — and whether House Democratic leaders can rebuild trust with lawmakers targeted by the same political organization they are expected to help lead.

Former Democratic lawmakers are now turning to the courts and Florida’s election complaint process to challenge FHDCC-linked campaign tactics, intensifying scrutiny of the committee’s leadership, spending, opposition research and oversight.

The lawsuits and complaints remain allegations. They do not establish that Hunschofsky, FHDCC or others violated the law.

But the controversy is no longer simply an internal Democratic campaign fight.

FHDCC Faces Real Legal Challenges

State Representative-Elect and former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III sued FHDCC and other defendants in Miami-Dade County over allegedly defamatory election communications.

Former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has separately challenged campaign communications involving FHDCC through litigation in Orange County and Florida’s election complaint process.

The cases involve separate elections and allegations and must be decided on their individual evidence.

State Rep.-elect Daphne Campbell, a former state senator and former state representative, told Florida National News in a phone interview that she is considering filing a defamation lawsuit as well.

Together, however, they place FHDCC’s campaign practices under greater scrutiny and create a leadership test for Hunschofsky as she prepares to lead Florida House Democrats.

Hunschofsky’s Leadership Under Scrutiny

Hunschofsky’s position as chair does not automatically make her personally liable for every communication, expenditure or decision made by FHDCC.

But leadership brings accountability for how an organization operates.

Political attack campaigns require research, writing, production, vendors, financing and distribution. FHDCC’s internal structure determines how those activities are authorized and supervised.

That makes Hunschofsky’s authority, knowledge and oversight relevant as the committee responds to legal challenges involving its campaign activity.

The central issue is straightforward: What happened under the FHDCC banner, and what responsibility did its leadership have for it?.

Party Establishment vs. Voters’ Choice

The controversy also exposes a deeper tension between party leadership and voters who expect to choose representatives based on the priorities of their communities.

Political parties can recruit, endorse and financially support candidates.

Voters make the final choice.

Heavy intervention by a party organization in a Democratic primary can create the perception that party leaders are trying to make that choice for voters.

That can damage trust when voters believe local experience, constituent service and understanding of their community matter more than the preferences of party leadership.

Democrats Spending Money Fighting Democrats

The internal battles come as Florida Democrats face a larger electoral challenge.

Republicans hold substantial power in Tallahassee, while Democrats need financial resources to compete for legislative seats and statewide offices.

Money spent attacking Democrats in expensive Democratic primaries cannot simultaneously be spent challenging Republicans.

FHDCC has the right to participate in elections within the law. But intraparty battles followed by lawsuits and election complaints create a political question about whether those resources are advancing the committee’s broader mission of electing Democrats.

Minority Democrats and Party Trust

The disputes also involve former minority Democratic lawmakers.

Bush and Campbell are Black. Morales is Puerto Rican, Hispanic.

That does not establish racial or ethnic discrimination by Hunschofsky or FHDCC.

But former minority Democratic lawmakers turning to courts and election regulators over tactics associated with their own party creates a political challenge for Democrats, who depend heavily on Black and Hispanic voters.

Those voters have the same interest as every Florida voter in accurate campaign information, fair elections and political organizations that follow the rules.

A Political Standard That Should Apply to Both Parties

The controversy also creates an uncomfortable comparison for Democrats who have criticized President Donald Trump’s aggressive treatment of political opponents.

The lawsuits and election complaints do not establish that FHDCC copied Trump’s strategy or adopted a “Trump playbook.”

But they raise a broader question of consistency.

Democrats who demand accountability when Republicans exercise political power aggressively should be prepared to apply the same standards to organizations within their own party.

Republicans should do the same when allegations involve their side.

Fairness cannot depend on which party benefits.

From Political Fight to Legal Process

Negative campaigning and opposition research are legal and receive substantial First Amendment protection.

Political committees, however, remain subject to election laws, campaign-finance requirements and civil law.

A lawsuit does not prove defamation.

FHDCC’s separate argument that it cannot be sued.

An election complaint does not prove an election-law violation.

Neither automatically creates a criminal investigation.

If evidence ultimately supports potential criminal conduct, the appropriate law-enforcement agency or prosecutor — not political parties, candidates or news organizations — determines whether an investigation is warranted.

The principle protects everyone: allegations must be proven, due process must be respected and political influence should not shield proven violations.

Who Is Next?

The growing legal disputes leave FHDCC with a political problem extending beyond Bush, Morales and Campbell.

Who is next on the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s target list?

No Democrat is entitled to immunity from legitimate political criticism simply because that candidate belongs to the party.

But candidates should be able to expect political organizations to play by the rules.

The same principle applies to Republicans.

Political organizations can fight hard, expose legitimate weaknesses and spend money advocating for their candidates.

They still have to follow the law.

Hunschofsky Faces a Leadership Test

Hunschofsky is not watching the controversy from outside the organization.

She chairs the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee while preparing to lead Florida House Democrats, including minority Democratic lawmakers who were targeted by the committee’s campaign attacks.

The lawsuits and election complaints therefore put FHDCC’s governance, campaign strategy and financial oversight directly within the public debate surrounding her leadership.

The courts will determine the civil allegations before them. Election regulators will determine matters within their jurisdiction. If evidence independently supports potential criminal violations, law-enforcement authorities can determine whether an investigation is warranted.

For Hunschofsky, the leadership test is whether the committee she chairs can defend its campaign practices, account for its spending and maintain the trust of Democratic voters while the allegations move through Florida’s courts and election-enforcement system.

The lawsuits and election complaints remain allegations. They are not findings that Hunschofsky or FHDCC violated the law.

For Florida voters, the standard should be simple:

Play by the rules. Follow the evidence. Apply the law equally.

Florida National News is seeking comment from Hunschofsky and FHDCC regarding the lawsuits, election complaints, campaign spending and committee oversight. FNN will update this report with responses and significant developments.

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