Politics
Dems reshuffle primaries to stress diversity over tradition
Published
4 years agoon
PHILADELPHIA (AP) — The Democratic Party on Saturday approved reordering its 2024 presidential primary, replacing Iowa with South Carolina in the leadoff spot as part of a major shake-up meant to empower Black and other minority voters critical to its base of support.
Although more changes are possible later this year, the formal endorsement by the Democratic National Committee during its meeting in Philadelphia is an acknowledgement that the start of the 2024 primary will look very different from the one in 2020. Hundreds of party stalwarts climbed to their feet and cheered after the easy passage by voice vote.
States with early contests play a major role in determining the nominee because White House hopefuls struggling to raise money or gain political traction often drop out before visiting states outside the first five. Media attention and policy debates concentrate in those areas, too.
The new plan was championed by President Joe Biden, who is expected to formally announce his reelection campaign in the coming months. The reconfiguring would have South Carolina hold its primary on Feb. 3, followed three days later by New Hampshire and Nevada, which is swapping the caucus it used to hold in favor of a primary.
Georgia would vote fourth on Feb. 13, followed by Michigan on Feb. 27, with much of the rest of the nation set to vote on Super Tuesday in early March.
“The Democratic Party looks like America and so does this proposal,” said DNC chair Jaime Harrison, a South Carolinian. The change “continues to make us stronger and elevates the backbone of our party,” he said.
Biden wrote the DNC rules committee in December, saying, “We must ensure that voters of color have a voice in choosing our nominee much earlier in the process and throughout the entire early window.” That committee approved the new lineup, setting up Saturday’s vote.
The move remakes the current calendar, which saw Iowa start with its caucus, followed by New Hampshire and then Nevada and South Carolina. The Republican Party has voted not to change its 2024 primary order, meaning the campaign has already began in Iowa.
“The DNC has decided to break a half-century precedent and cause chaos by altering their primary process, and ultimately abandoning millions of Americans in Iowa and New Hampshire,” Republican National Committee chair Ronna McDaniel said in a statement Saturday.
Four of the first five new states under Democrats’ new plan are battlegrounds, meaning the eventual party winner would be able to lay groundwork in important general election spots. That’s especially true for Michigan and Georgia, both of which voted for Republican Donald Trump in 2016 before flipping to Biden in 2020.
The exception is South Carolina, which hasn’t backed a Democrat in a presidential race since 1976, leading some to argue that the party shouldn’t be concentrating so many early primary resources there. But the state’s population is nearly 27% Black, and African American voters represent Democrats’ most consistent base of support. Iowa and New Hampshire are each more than 90% white.
The revamped calendar could be largely meaningless for 2024 because Biden is expected to run for a second term without a major primary challenge. Also, the DNC has already pledged to revisit the voting calendar before the 2028 presidential election.
Still, this year’s changes could establish precedent, just as a new lineup that moved Nevada and South Carolina into the first states to vote did when the DNC approved a new primary calendar before the 2008 presidential election.
“These things may be symbolic, but they’re realistic,” South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn, assistant Democratic leader in the House and a close Biden ally, told The Associated Press.
The new order follows technical glitches that caused Iowa’s 2020 caucus to meltdown. It also gives Biden the chance to repay South Carolina, where he scored a decisive 2020 primary win that revived his presidential campaign after losses in Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada.
Democrats have worked on overhauling their primary lineup for months. On Saturday, nearly an hour of final debate turned raw at times.
Some Black members of the DNC said those arguing to abide by tradition could be seen as implying that states with larger African American populations were incapable of handling the responsibility of going early in the primary.
“If we’re really a family, it means some of y’all got to shift to make room at the table for others,” said Leah Daughtry, a DNC rules committee member from New York.
Iowa Democratic Party chair Rita Hart argued that Republicans in her state were already accusing Democrats of “have turned their back on Iowa and on rural America.” But Michigan Rep. Debbie Dingell, to sustained applause, countered: “No one state should have a lock on going first.”
Despite the approval, the final slate is not yet set. South Carolina, Nevada and Michigan have met party requirements to join the party’s new top five. But in Georgia may not change its Democratic primary calendar date without the Republicans also doing so.
Iowa argued that continued uncertainty could cause other states to try and jump ahead of the new DNC calendar, as happened before the 2008 presidential race. The new rules include penalties for states trying to move up without permission, including possibly losing delegates to the party’s national convention.
New Hampshire has a state law mandating that it hold the nation’s first presidential primary, which Iowa circumvented since 1972 by holding a caucus. New Hampshire Democrats have joined with top state Republicans in pledging to go forward with the nation’s first presidential primary next year regardless of the DNC calendar.
No major challenger has yet emerged from his own party to run against Biden for president next year. Still, top New Hampshire Democrats have warned that another Democrat could run in an unsanctioned primary the state stages and, if Biden skips it in accordance with party rules, could win and embarrass the president — prolonging a primary process that wasn’t supposed to be competitive.
“Respecting our state law and lifting up diverse voices need not be mutually exclusive,” said Joanne Dowdell, a DNC rules committee member from New Hampshire.
Florida
Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee Chair Christine Hunschofsky Faces Lawsuits, Election Complaints
Published
8 hours agoon
August 24, 2026Who is next? Lawsuits and Florida election complaints put the incoming House Democratic leader’s oversight of political attacks, campaign spending and tactics against former Democratic lawmakers under scrutiny
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Incoming Florida House Democratic Leader Christine Hunschofsky, a former Parkland mayor is facing growing scrutiny over campaign tactics by the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, the party-affiliated committee she chairs, as former Democratic lawmakers challenge political attacks through lawsuits and Florida election complaints.
The disputes are placing increased scrutiny on Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, and Cassidy Whitaker, the committee’s caucus director for the 2026 election cycle.
The controversy goes beyond ordinary party infighting, with former Democratic lawmakers alleging that FHDCC used opposition research and campaign communications containing false or misleading information to attack members of its own party.
Those allegations raise questions about the committee’s research, approval process and campaign tactics — and whether House Democratic leaders can rebuild trust with lawmakers targeted by the same political organization they are expected to help lead.
Former Democratic lawmakers are now turning to the courts and Florida’s election complaint process to challenge FHDCC-linked campaign tactics, intensifying scrutiny of the committee’s leadership, spending, opposition research and oversight.
The lawsuits and complaints remain allegations. They do not establish that Hunschofsky, FHDCC or others violated the law.
But the controversy is no longer simply an internal Democratic campaign fight.
FHDCC Faces Real Legal Challenges
State Representative-Elect and former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III sued FHDCC and other defendants in Miami-Dade County over allegedly defamatory election communications.
Former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has separately challenged campaign communications involving FHDCC through litigation in Orange County and Florida’s election complaint process.
The cases involve separate elections and allegations and must be decided on their individual evidence.
State Rep.-elect Daphne Campbell, a former state senator and former state representative, told Florida National News in a phone interview that she is considering filing a defamation lawsuit as well.
Together, however, they place FHDCC’s campaign practices under greater scrutiny and create a leadership test for Hunschofsky as she prepares to lead Florida House Democrats.
Hunschofsky’s Leadership Under Scrutiny
Hunschofsky’s position as chair does not automatically make her personally liable for every communication, expenditure or decision made by FHDCC.
But leadership brings accountability for how an organization operates.
Political attack campaigns require research, writing, production, vendors, financing and distribution. FHDCC’s internal structure determines how those activities are authorized and supervised.
That makes Hunschofsky’s authority, knowledge and oversight relevant as the committee responds to legal challenges involving its campaign activity.
The central issue is straightforward: What happened under the FHDCC banner, and what responsibility did its leadership have for it?.
Party Establishment vs. Voters’ Choice
The controversy also exposes a deeper tension between party leadership and voters who expect to choose representatives based on the priorities of their communities.
Political parties can recruit, endorse and financially support candidates.
Voters make the final choice.
Heavy intervention by a party organization in a Democratic primary can create the perception that party leaders are trying to make that choice for voters.
That can damage trust when voters believe local experience, constituent service and understanding of their community matter more than the preferences of party leadership.
Democrats Spending Money Fighting Democrats
The internal battles come as Florida Democrats face a larger electoral challenge.
Republicans hold substantial power in Tallahassee, while Democrats need financial resources to compete for legislative seats and statewide offices.
Money spent attacking Democrats in expensive Democratic primaries cannot simultaneously be spent challenging Republicans.
FHDCC has the right to participate in elections within the law. But intraparty battles followed by lawsuits and election complaints create a political question about whether those resources are advancing the committee’s broader mission of electing Democrats.
Minority Democrats and Party Trust
The disputes also involve former minority Democratic lawmakers.
Bush and Campbell are Black. Morales is Puerto Rican, Hispanic.
That does not establish racial or ethnic discrimination by Hunschofsky or FHDCC.
But former minority Democratic lawmakers turning to courts and election regulators over tactics associated with their own party creates a political challenge for Democrats, who depend heavily on Black and Hispanic voters.
Those voters have the same interest as every Florida voter in accurate campaign information, fair elections and political organizations that follow the rules.
A Political Standard That Should Apply to Both Parties
The controversy also creates an uncomfortable comparison for Democrats who have criticized President Donald Trump’s aggressive treatment of political opponents.
The lawsuits and election complaints do not establish that FHDCC copied Trump’s strategy or adopted a “Trump playbook.”
But they raise a broader question of consistency.
Democrats who demand accountability when Republicans exercise political power aggressively should be prepared to apply the same standards to organizations within their own party.
Republicans should do the same when allegations involve their side.
Fairness cannot depend on which party benefits.
From Political Fight to Legal Process
Negative campaigning and opposition research are legal and receive substantial First Amendment protection.
Political committees, however, remain subject to election laws, campaign-finance requirements and civil law.
A lawsuit does not prove defamation.
FHDCC’s separate argument that it cannot be sued.
An election complaint does not prove an election-law violation.
Neither automatically creates a criminal investigation.
If evidence ultimately supports potential criminal conduct, the appropriate law-enforcement agency or prosecutor — not political parties, candidates or news organizations — determines whether an investigation is warranted.
The principle protects everyone: allegations must be proven, due process must be respected and political influence should not shield proven violations.
Who Is Next?
The growing legal disputes leave FHDCC with a political problem extending beyond Bush, Morales and Campbell.
Who is next on the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s target list?
No Democrat is entitled to immunity from legitimate political criticism simply because that candidate belongs to the party.
But candidates should be able to expect political organizations to play by the rules.
The same principle applies to Republicans.
Political organizations can fight hard, expose legitimate weaknesses and spend money advocating for their candidates.
They still have to follow the law.
Hunschofsky Faces a Leadership Test
Hunschofsky is not watching the controversy from outside the organization.
She chairs the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee while preparing to lead Florida House Democrats, including minority Democratic lawmakers who were targeted by the committee’s campaign attacks.
The lawsuits and election complaints therefore put FHDCC’s governance, campaign strategy and financial oversight directly within the public debate surrounding her leadership.
The courts will determine the civil allegations before them. Election regulators will determine matters within their jurisdiction. If evidence independently supports potential criminal violations, law-enforcement authorities can determine whether an investigation is warranted.
For Hunschofsky, the leadership test is whether the committee she chairs can defend its campaign practices, account for its spending and maintain the trust of Democratic voters while the allegations move through Florida’s courts and election-enforcement system.
The lawsuits and election complaints remain allegations. They are not findings that Hunschofsky or FHDCC violated the law.
For Florida voters, the standard should be simple:
Play by the rules. Follow the evidence. Apply the law equally.
Florida National News is seeking comment from Hunschofsky and FHDCC regarding the lawsuits, election complaints, campaign spending and committee oversight. FNN will update this report with responses and significant developments.
Florida
Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee Faces Defamation Lawsuits, Possible Election Complaints
Published
3 days agoon
August 20, 2026Two former Democratic lawmakers have sued the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee over alleged false campaign communications, while a third weighs legal action amid growing concerns about voter impact and election integrity.
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Two former Democratic state representatives have filed defamation lawsuits a year apart naming the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee as a defendant, while a third former lawmaker told Florida National News she is considering legal action following Tuesday’s primary.
Former state Reps. James Bush III and Daisy Morales filed separate lawsuits in Miami-Dade and Orange counties alleging false or defamatory political communications were disseminated during their campaigns.
Former state Sen. Daphne Campbell, who won Tuesday’s Democratic primary for Florida House District 108, told FNN in a phone interview that she is considering a defamation lawsuit involving the committee. Campbell and Bush, who won the Democratic nomination for House District 109, also told FNN they are considering complaints with the Florida Elections Commission.
The allegations have not been adjudicated. Filing a lawsuit or election complaint does not establish wrongdoing, and the defendants are entitled to contest the claims.
Two Lawsuits, One Common Defendant
The Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee is a defendant in separate defamation cases filed approximately one year apart by Bush and Morales.
Miami-Dade: James Bush III Lawsuit
Case: James Bush III v. Ashley Gantt, et al.
Court: 11th Judicial Circuit, Miami-Dade County
Filed: Aug. 12, 2025
Plaintiff: James Bush III
Defendants: State Rep. Ashley Gantt; Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee; Stronger Together, a political committee; and Edge Communications
Damages sought: More than $1 million and a jury trial
Bush’s seven-page complaint alleges defamatory information was disseminated through campaign mailers, telephone calls and electronic communications during his 2022 re-election campaign.
The communications included portrayals of Bush as aligned with Republicans and Gov. Ron DeSantis and criticism of his legislative record.
Bush alleges the communications contained false factual assertions that damaged his reputation. Gantt and her attorney have called the lawsuit baseless. The allegations have not been proven in court.
In a phone interview with FNN, Bush said the controversy should be examined for its potential impact on voters and the integrity of the election process.
Orlando: Daisy Morales Lawsuit
Case: Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee
Case No.: 482026CA008697A001OX
Court: Ninth Judicial Circuit, Orange County
Filed: Aug. 14, 2026
Assigned judge: Circuit Judge Michael Deen
Plaintiff: Daisy Morales
Defendants: Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee
Claims: Defamation/libel and defamation by implication
Damages: More than $50,000 for jurisdictional purposes, with damages to be determined by a jury
Morales’ 23-page complaint centers on political communications distributed during the closing days of the House District 43 Democratic primary.
The lawsuit alleges a campaign mailer falsely represented as fact that Morales had “endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party (DEC).”
Morales disputes those characterizations and alleges the communications damaged her reputation, political standing and candidacy while Democratic voters were deciding the primary.
“This goes beyond whether one candidate wins or loses,” Morales told FNN. “When voters are deliberately given false statements of fact immediately before an election, it can affect their decisions before a court or election agency ever has an opportunity to determine what actually happened.”
The defendants have not been found liable, and the allegations remain pending.
The Honorable Daphne Cambpell, Democrat, Former State Representative, Former State Senator and State Representative-Elect, Florida House District 108
Campbell Considering Third Defamation Case
Campbell told FNN she is reviewing a possible defamation lawsuit involving the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee following her HD 108 campaign.
Campbell, who previously served in both the Florida House and Senate, defeated two opponents Tuesday to win the Democratic nomination.
She described what she views as a broader problem involving Democratic establishment influence, political committees and the treatment of candidates who challenge party-backed or establishment-preferred candidates.
Campbell also told FNN that a congressional candidate is considering a possible defamation action involving the committee.
FNN has not independently confirmed that prospective lawsuit and is withholding the candidate’s identity pending an on-the-record statement or court filing. FNN will report separately if litigation is filed.
Lawmakers Point to Similar Campaign Tactics
Bush, Campbell and Morales say their experiences raise broader questions about political mailers, text messages, telephone outreach and other communications used to influence Democratic primary voters.
Bush alleges false information was disseminated through mailers, calls and electronic communications. Morales alleges false or materially misleading factual statements were distributed through political advertising. Campbell says she is reviewing communications from her campaign to determine whether legal action is warranted.
The similarities do not establish coordination or a broader scheme.
Evidence of common decision-makers, financing, consultants, vendors, opposition research, messaging or approval processes would be necessary to substantiate broader allegations. Such evidence could potentially emerge through civil discovery or an investigation by an agency with jurisdiction.
The Legal Divide: Defamation, Election Violations and Election Contests
The disputes involve three separate areas of law: civil defamation, election-law enforcement and election contests.
Candidates and public officials face a high constitutional threshold in defamation cases involving public issues. Under the U.S. Supreme Court’s New York Times Co. v. Sullivan standard, a public official generally must establish “actual malice” — that a defamatory statement was made with knowledge of its falsity or reckless disregard for whether it was false.
That means negative, misleading or damaging political speech does not automatically constitute defamation. Courts must distinguish actionable false statements of fact from protected opinion, rhetoric and political criticism.
The Florida Elections Commission serves a different function. It investigates alleged violations within its statutory election-law and campaign-finance jurisdiction. It is not a general defamation court.
An election complaint therefore must identify conduct violating a specific election statute; an allegation that political advertising was false or defamatory does not, standing alone, establish an election-law violation.
Florida Election-Contest Law Does Not Expressly List Defamation
A third legal issue could have broader implications.
Under Section 102.168, Florida Statutes, an unsuccessful candidate may contest an election or nomination on specified grounds, including certain misconduct, fraud or corruption by election officials or canvassing-board members sufficient to change or place the result in doubt; the successful candidate’s ineligibility; sufficient illegal votes or rejected legal votes; and specified bribery.
The statute does not expressly identify defamatory campaign communications by a candidate, political committee or party organization as an independent ground for contesting an election.
Morales says that is a gap Florida lawmakers should examine.
Impact on Voters: Election Day Moves Faster Than the Courts
The lawmakers say the central problem is timing.
Political mailers, texts, digital advertisements and telephone communications can reach thousands of voters within days. Defamation litigation can take months or years.
An election can therefore be certified long before a judge or jury determines whether a disputed campaign statement was defamatory.
“The voter is also harmed when an election decision is based on deliberately false information,” Morales said. “You cannot give voters their vote back six months or two years later after a court finally determines what was true.”
That creates a difficult balance. The First Amendment provides extensive protection for political speech, including harsh criticism of candidates. At the same time, candidates can be held accountable under existing law for actionable defamatory statements when the required elements and constitutional standards are proven.
Morales Calls for Election-Contest Law Amendment
Morales said Florida should examine whether its election-contest statute should provide a narrowly tailored remedy when defamatory campaign conduct is proven and there is sufficient evidence that it materially affected an election.
She said lawmakers should study approaches taken by states including California and Oregon, while developing a Florida-specific proposal consistent with First Amendment protections.
“Florida’s election-contest law needs to be amended for the realities of modern elections,” Morales said. “If a court determines that a candidate, political committee or another political actor knowingly used defamatory false statements to influence voters, and there is sufficient evidence that the conduct materially affected the election, Florida law should provide an appropriate election remedy.”
Morales said any legislation should impose a high evidentiary threshold and distinguish legitimate criticism and political opinion from provably false statements of material fact.
Such legislation would raise significant constitutional questions and would require careful drafting to protect political speech and prevent ordinary campaign disputes from becoming grounds for overturning election results.
Why Courts and Election Regulators Matter
The existence of two lawsuits against the same political organization does not prove a coordinated operation.
But civil litigation can potentially uncover evidence through discovery, including contracts, invoices, communications, advertising drafts, opposition research, vendor relationships, approval records and information concerning what individuals knew before disputed material was disseminated.
Depending on what such evidence establishes, it could be relevant to the civil lawsuits or to separately alleged election-law violations within the Florida Elections Commission’s jurisdiction.
For now, there is one documented connection: Bush and Morales, two former Democratic Florida House members in different counties and election cycles, have separately named the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee as a defendant in defamation litigation arising from campaign communications.
Campbell says she may become the third former Democratic lawmaker to pursue such a claim.
Whether the cases represent unrelated episodes of hard-fought primary politics or evidence of something broader cannot be determined from the lawsuits alone.
For Florida voters, however, the cases raise a larger question:
What remedy should exist if intentionally false factual campaign communications are eventually proven defamatory — and also proven to have materially affected an election — after the ballots have already been counted?
Bush and Morales have taken their allegations to court. Campbell says she is considering doing the same.
Morales now says the question should also go before the Florida Legislature.
Florida
‘Floridians Have Voted for Change’: Angie Nixon Claims Democratic U.S. Senate Nomination
Published
4 days agoon
August 20, 2026Jacksonville state representative declares grassroots victory, targets Ashley Moody and says Democrats have 77 days to flip Florida’s U.S. Senate seat
JACKSONVILLE, Fla. (FNN) — State Rep. Angie Nixon declared that “Floridians have voted for change” after winning the Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate, portraying her primary victory as a rejection of corporate political influence and the beginning of a 77-day general election campaign against Republican U.S. Sen. Ashley Moody.
Nixon used her victory statement to emphasize the grassroots nature of her campaign and outline an economic agenda focused on lowering costs, raising wages and expanding health care.
“We did it,” Nixon said. “We won this primary without taking a dime of corporate PAC money. No corporate checks. No billionaire-funded machine. Just a 100% grassroots campaign powered by people like you.”
NIXON: FLORIDA VOTERS ‘WANT SOMEONE WHO WILL FIGHT’
Nixon characterized her victory as part of broader voter frustration with the political establishment.
“Florida voters were fed up,” Nixon said. “They made it clear that they want someone who will fight for the change that actually helps their lives such as lower costs, higher wages, Medicare for All, and a people-powered government that prioritizes families.”
Her victory gives Florida Democrats a progressive nominee who has spent years battling Republican policies from the floor of the Florida House.
Nixon’s campaign now faces the considerably larger challenge of converting that primary coalition into enough statewide support to defeat Moody in November.
GRASSROOTS CAMPAIGN DEFEATS BETTER-FUNDED OPPONENT
Nixon’s victory over retired Army Lt. Col. Alex Vindman was also a significant test of campaign money versus grassroots organizing.
Vindman entered the race with national recognition and substantially greater financial resources, while Nixon emphasized small-dollar donors and her refusal to accept corporate PAC contributions.
Following the result, Vindman quickly endorsed his former primary rival.
“Rep. Nixon ran a strong campaign,” Vindman said in his election-night statement. “I will be standing by her side in the fight against Ashley Moody.”
The endorsement gives Nixon an early opportunity to begin unifying Democrats after the primary.
NIXON POINTS TO BATTLES WITH DESANTIS, MAGA MOVEMENT
Nixon also used her victory speech to highlight her history of confrontation with Gov. Ron DeSantis and conservative political activists.
“The opposition threw everything they had at us,” Nixon said. “Ron DeSantis had me censured. I was arrested. MAGA tried scaring me.”
Nixon continued: “They tried to intimidate us, silence us, and stop this movement. They failed.”
Those assertions were made by Nixon in her campaign statement. The circumstances surrounding her censure and arrest provide important context when reporting those claims independently.
Nixon has developed a reputation as one of the Florida Legislature’s most outspoken
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