Politics
Esper says Trump ordered him to stop SEAL review board
Published
7 years agoon
WASHINGTON (AP) — Defense Secretary Mark Esper declared on Monday that President Donald Trump ordered him to stop a disciplinary review of a Navy SEAL accused of battlefield misconduct, an intervention that raised questions about America’s commitment to international standards for battlefield ethics.
Esper, who initially favored allowing the Navy to proceed with a peer-review board for Chief Petty Officer Edward Gallagher, which could have resulted in him losing his SEAL status, said he was obliged to follow Trump’s order. But he also directed the Pentagon’s legal office to review how service members are educated in the laws of armed conflict and trained to wartime behavioral standards.
“I can control what I can control,” Esper told reporters when asked whether Trump sent the right message to U.S. troops by intervening to stop the Gallagher review. “The president is the commander in chief. He has every right, authority and privilege to do what he wants to do.”
Gallagher was acquitted of murder in the stabbing death of an Islamic State militant captive but convicted by a military jury of posing with the corpse while in Iraq in 2017.
In yet another twist to the Gallagher saga, Esper also made an extraordinary accusation against Richard V. Spencer, whom he fired on Sunday as the civilian leader of the Navy.
Esper said Spencer last week had gone behind his back to propose a secret deal with the White House in which Spencer would fix the outcome of the Gallagher review. Esper said this was a violation of the military chain of command and that Spencer acknowledged his misstep.
Through a Navy spokesman, Spencer declined requests for comment on Esper’s allegation. However, in a resignation letter Sunday he had said he could not in good conscience follow an order that he believed would undermine the principle of good order and discipline in the military – suggesting that he had been ordered to stop the peer-review process for Gallagher.
Trump began to get involved in the Gallagher case in the spring after Bernard Kerik, a former business partner to his personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani became an advocate for the family and made appearances in conservative media.
The SEAL also changed his defense team to include Marc Mukasey, a lawyer for the Trump real estate company.
The president has tweeted in support of Gallagher, praising the sailor’s service and saying the case was “handled very badly from the beginning.”
Earlier this month, Trump restored Gallagher’s rank, which had been reduced in his military jury conviction.
Trump also pardoned two soldiers — a former Army special forces soldier set to stand trial next year in the killing of a suspected Afghan bombmaker in 2010 and an Army officer who had been convicted of murder for ordering his soldiers to fire on three unarmed Afghan men in 2012, killing two.
Beyond the Spencer firing, the Gallagher case has raised questions about the appropriate role of a U.S. president in matters of military justice. Esper said Trump had a constitutional right to intervene, but others worry that such actions undermine the credibility of American claims to be a leader in ethical and lawful behavior on the battlefield.
“What concerns me the most is the chilling effect this will have on special forces’ willingness to report when they see illegal behavior,” James Stavridis, a retired Navy admiral, said in an email to The Associated Press. “That is tragic because in the end what separates us from our opponents on the battlefield is our willingness to follow the rule of law.”
Sen. Jack Reed, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee and an Army veteran, accused Trump of “inappropriate involvement” in the military justice system.
“The White House’s handling of this matter erodes the basic command structure of the military and the basic function of the Uniform Code of Military Justice,” Reed said.
Carl Tobias, a law professor at the University of Richmond School of Law, said Trump’s action undercut the military.
“We want to be a standard for the world in terms of rule of law,” he said. “I’m concerned that it undermines our own military; it undermines our standing in the world.”
Trump has said Gallagher was treated unfairly by the Navy.
“I think what I’m doing is sticking up for our armed forces,” he said Monday. “There’s never been a president who is going to stick up for them and has like I have.”
Last week Trump tweeted that Gallagher must be allowed to retire as a SEAL, regardless of the Navy’s intention to review his standing in the elite force. Esper’s comments Monday revealed that on Sunday Trump had given the defense secretary a direct order to make this happen.
Even before receiving that order, however, Esper had decided the Gallagher process should be stopped. He said his rationale was that, “given the events of the last few days,” it was no longer possible for Gallagher to get a fair shake.
“As professional as they are,” he said of the Navy review board members, “no matter what they would decide, they would be criticized from many sides, which would further drag this issue on, dividing the institution. I want the SEALs and the Navy to move beyond this now, fully focused on their warfighting mission.”
In announcing Sunday that he had dismissed Spencer, Esper said he acted after learning of Spencer’s secret plan to “guarantee” in advance the outcome of the review board that was to convene next week.
Spencer had “proposed a deal whereby if the president allowed the Navy to handle the case, he would guarantee that Eddie Gallagher would be restored to rank, allowed to retain his Trident and permitted to retire,” Esper said Monday.
This was “completely contrary” to what Esper and the rest of the Pentagon leadership had agreed to, he said, and contrary to Spencer’s public position that the Navy disciplinary process should be allowed to play out with no interference.
Esper said he had previously advocated for allowing the Navy review to go forward. But when Trump gave him a “verbal instruction” to stop the process, he did so.
Esper did not say explicitly that he disagreed with Trump’s order.
Once Trump gave the order, Esper said he responded, “Roger. I got it.”
You may like
Florida
Democratic Leaders Condemned Susan Valdés’ GOP Switch; Orange Democrats Later Appear Alongside Her
Published
4 days agoon
August 30, 2026TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (FNN) — Florida Democratic leaders sharply condemned state Rep. Susan Valdés after she left the Democratic Party and joined the Republican Party in December 2024. A later photograph shows prominent Orange County Democrats appearing alongside the Tampa-area Republican lawmaker at a Florida Capitol gathering.
Among those identified at the gathering are Samuel Vilchez Santiago, a former Orange County Democratic Party chair and the 2026 Democratic nominee for Florida House District 43; Democratic state Rep. Johanna López of Orlando; and Joel Montilla, a former candidate for Orange County Commission District 5.
The photograph shows Valdés and other attendees in a legislative office with a Puerto Rican Bar Association of Florida banner displayed behind them.
Their appearance does not establish an endorsement of Valdés or support for her decision to become a Republican. But the photograph provides a notable contrast to the Democratic backlash that followed her party switch.
Valdés Leaves Democrats for GOP
Valdés switched from Democrat to Republican on Dec. 9, 2024, weeks after winning reelection to the Florida House as a Democrat.
Her decision came shortly after an unsuccessful bid to chair the Hillsborough County Democratic Party.
In announcing the switch, Valdés criticized her former party and Democratic House leadership, saying she was tired of Democrats being a party of protesting rather than progress. She also said she wanted to focus on delivering results for her constituents.
Democratic Leaders Condemn Valdés
Valdés’ departure drew immediate criticism from Democratic leaders.
Then-House Democratic Leader Fentrice Driskell characterized the move as a “bait-and-switch” after voters had reelected Valdés as a Democrat.
Florida Democratic Party Chair Nikki Fried called the decision “hypocritical and self-serving,” while Democratic state Sen. Carlos Guillermo Smith of Orlando characterized the switch as “political opportunism.”
The criticism centered heavily on timing: Valdés won another term as a Democrat and then changed parties before beginning that term.
Orange Democrats Later Appear With Valdés
Against that backdrop, the later appearance of Orange County Democrats alongside Valdés presents a political contrast.
Vilchez Santiago previously chaired the Orange County Democratic Party and is now the Democratic nominee for House District 43. López is a Democratic state representative from Orange County. Montilla ran for the nonpartisan Orange County Commission District 5 seat in 2024.
Their presence with Valdés does not establish political support. Democrats and Republicans routinely participate together in legislative, professional and community events.
Vilchez Santiago Appears With Republican as Campaign Funding Draws Scrutiny
The photograph adds another dimension to the political narrative surrounding Vilchez Santiago.
Republican associations and questions of Democratic Party loyalty became issues during the 2026 House District 43 Democratic primary. Against that backdrop, Vilchez Santiago’s own appearances with Republicans — along with any documented campaign contributions from Republican or Republican-aligned donors — can be examined under the same standard.
Campaign-finance records can establish who contributed to his campaign, how much and when. However, receiving contributions from Republican donors is different from saying a campaign was “funded by Republicans.” Such a broader characterization requires evidence establishing the source and significance of that financial support.
Vilchez Santiago’s former position as Orange County Democratic Party chair makes the political contrast more pronounced: the Democratic nominee is pictured alongside a Republican legislator whom Democratic leaders publicly condemned after she left their party.
Same Standard for Political Associations
The central issue is consistency.
A photograph with a Republican does not automatically constitute an endorsement. Neither does attending a bipartisan event or receiving a lawful contribution from an individual Republican.
If political associations with Republicans are considered relevant when evaluating one Democrat’s party loyalty, similar associations involving other Democratic candidates should be evaluated using the same evidentiary standard.
The photograph establishes an appearance. Campaign-finance reports establish contributions. Neither, standing alone, establishes an endorsement, coordination or political alliance.
From Condemnation to Capitol Gathering
Valdés was not simply another Republican legislator at the Capitol. She won reelection as a Democrat before joining the Republican Party and drawing sharp condemnation from Democratic leaders.
The later photograph therefore presents a notable political contrast: Orange County Democratic political figures appearing alongside a Republican lawmaker whose departure from their party Democratic leaders had publicly condemned.
Whether those appearances represented political support requires additional evidence.
Florida
[COURTS & LAW] Paula Stark Court Record Could Impact Daisy Morales, James Bush III Defamation Lawsuits Against FHDCC
Published
6 days agoon
August 28, 2026Stark’s Leon County Election Fight, Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade and Morales’ Orange County Defamation Lawsuit Could Put FHDCC’s Legal Status Under Scrutiny in Three Florida Courts
ORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Three Florida court cases. Three counties. One political committee — and an unresolved legal question that could affect two pending defamation lawsuits.
Court records obtained and reviewed by Florida National News show the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee (FHDCC) sought permission to become a Party Defendant in Republican state Rep. Paula Stark’s Leon County election lawsuit in June 2026.
Less than a month later, FHDCC took a different procedural position in former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III’s Miami-Dade defamation lawsuit, arguing that it is an unincorporated political organization that lacks the capacity to be sued in its own name.
That position is supported by a sworn affidavit submitted by State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of FHDCC, describing her authority over committee funds and legal matters and stating the committee’s position that it cannot be sued as a political committee.
Now, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales has named FHDCC as a defendant in a separate defamation lawsuit in Orange County.
The cases involve different parties, claims and legal issues. FHDCC’s attempt to intervene in Stark’s case does not establish that the committee has capacity to be sued in Bush or Morales.
But the developing record presents a significant question: FHDCC affirmatively asked one Florida circuit court to allow it to become a Party Defendant, then later argued in another that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
FHDCC Asked to Become a Party Defendant in Stark Case
Stark, a Republican state representative from St. Cloud, sued after election officials determined she failed to qualify for reelection to House District 47.
Her case, Paula Stark v. Cord Byrd, et al., Case No. 2026-CA-1311, was filed in the Second Judicial Circuit in Leon County before Circuit Judge Joshua M. Hawkes.
On June 25, 2026, attorney Mark Herron filed a motion on behalf of FHDCC and Democratic House District 47 candidates Jorge Figueroa and Anthony Nieves.
The filing was expressly titled “Motion to Intervene as a Party Defendants in Pending Election Case” and asked Hawkes to permit FHDCC, Figueroa and Nieves to intervene as Party Defendants under Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.230.
FHDCC also described itself in the motion as an affiliated party committee established under Section 103.092, Florida Statutes, to support Democratic candidates for the Florida House.
The committee asserted that the outcome of Stark’s lawsuit would affect the resources FHDCC would expend in the House District 47 election.
Herron signed the filing as “Attorney for the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee.”
Herron also serves as FHDCC treasurer. His dual role could become relevant if the Bush or Morales defamation lawsuits reach discovery concerning the committee’s organization, finances or decision-making. Any potential testimony would depend on Herron’s firsthand knowledge and applicable attorney-client and other legal protections.
Hawkes Denied FHDCC Intervention
FHDCC did not succeed in becoming a party to Stark’s case.
In his July 8 Order on Petition for Mandamus, Hawkes explained that he denied FHDCC intervention because the committee’s asserted interest amounted to “just a financial stake.”
Hawkes instead allowed Figueroa and Nieves to intervene because their candidacies and political positions were directly affected by whether the primary would remain closed. The written order consequently identifies Figueroa and Nieves — not FHDCC — as intervenors.
That distinction is critical.
The Stark record establishes that FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant. It does not establish that the court accepted FHDCC in that capacity. Hawkes expressly denied the committee’s request.
Hawkes ultimately denied Stark’s request for ballot relief. In his analysis, he also referenced an argument advanced by “counsel for Intervenors.”
The Stark litigation was subsequently closed.
Why Stark Matters
Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC has legal capacity to sue or be sued.
He rejected FHDCC’s intervention because its asserted interest in the election dispute was insufficient.
But the underlying motion remains significant because it establishes that FHDCC, through counsel, affirmatively invoked a Florida court’s jurisdiction and asked to participate as a Party Defendant.
That record could become relevant if FHDCC maintains in other courts that its organizational structure prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Bush’s $1 Million Default Battle in Miami-Dade
While Stark’s election litigation was unfolding in Leon County, FHDCC was facing a different legal battle in Miami-Dade.
Former Democratic state Rep. James Bush III filed a defamation lawsuit in August 2025 against Edge Communications, LLC, Strong Community, FHDCC and state Rep. Ashley Gantt.
The case, James Bush III v. Edge Communications, LLC, et al., Case No. 2025-015569-CA-01, was assigned to Section CA31 of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit and Circuit Judge Migna Sanchez-Llorens, according to the court’s Case Management Order.
The order, signed Oct. 11, 2025, established July 8, 2026, as the deadline for summary judgment and dispositive motions, resolution of certain pretrial matters and mediation. It projected an Oct. 6, 2026 trial date.
On July 8 — the same day Hawkes issued his Stark ruling in Leon County — clerk defaults were entered against FHDCC and other defendants in Bush’s lawsuit, according to filings previously reviewed by FNN.
FHDCC moved to set aside its default on July 15.
Bush then filed a Motion for Final Default Judgment on July 29 seeking $1 million, plus costs, against the defaulted defendants.
The distinction is important: Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment. The court has not entered a $1 million judgment based on the records reviewed for this report.
FHDCC Argues It Cannot Be Sued in Its Own Name
FHDCC’s response to the Miami-Dade default creates the central comparison with the Stark record.
In its Motion to Set Aside Default, FHDCC argued that it is a 527 political unincorporated organization that lacks capacity to be sued in its own name.
The committee cited Larkin v. Buranosky, a 2008 Florida appellate decision involving unincorporated political organizations.
That remains FHDCC’s legal position, not a determination by the Miami-Dade court.
But the timing creates a significant comparison:
June 25 — Leon County: FHDCC asks to enter litigation as a Party Defendant.
July 8 — Leon County: Hawkes denies FHDCC intervention.
July 15 — Miami-Dade County: FHDCC argues that its organizational status prevents it from being sued in its own name.
Those positions are not automatically contradictory. Intervention and capacity to be sued are distinct legal questions, and Hawkes did not decide whether FHDCC possessed capacity to sue or be sued.
But the records could invite scrutiny of how FHDCC characterizes its legal identity and litigation authority in different proceedings.
FHDCC Chair Hunschofsky Submits Sworn Affidavit
The Miami-Dade dispute took on added significance when State Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, chair of the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, submitted a sworn affidavit supporting FHDCC’s effort to set aside the default.
Hunschofsky described FHDCC as a Florida registered political committee affiliated with the Florida Democratic Party but not controlled by it.
She also described her authority within the organization, stating that she is responsible for the allocation of FHDCC funds and for legal actions against the committee and its defense.
Hunschofsky further stated that FHDCC is an unincorporated entity and that the committee understands it “cannot be sued as a political committee.”
She said that after learning Bush had obtained a default, she immediately instructed attorney Juan-Carlos Planas to seek to set aside the default and have the case dismissed based on FHDCC’s position that it cannot be sued under Florida law.
The affidavit represents sworn statements by FHDCC’s chair concerning the committee’s structure and her responsibilities. Her assertion concerning whether FHDCC can be sued is the committee’s legal position; it does not establish that Sanchez-Llorens has accepted that interpretation.
Morales Defamation Lawsuit Brings Question to Orange County
The third case brings the issue to Orange County.
On Aug. 14, former Democratic state Rep. Daisy Morales filed a defamation lawsuit against FHDCC and Democratic House District 43 nominee Samuel Vilchez Santiago.
The case, Daisy Morales v. Samuel Vilchez Santiago and Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee, Case No. 482026CA008697A001OX, is pending in the Ninth Judicial Circuit before Circuit Judge Michael Deen.
Morales asserts claims for defamation/libel and defamation by implication arising from political mailers distributed during the Democratic primary campaign.
Among the disputed statements was a representation that Morales endorsed Republican candidates and was expelled from the Orange County Democratic Party.
Morales alleges the statements were false and defamatory.
Those allegations remain pending. Neither Vilchez Santiago nor FHDCC has been found liable for defamation.
Vilchez Santiago defeated Morales in the Aug. 18 Democratic primary, but the election result does not resolve the civil lawsuit.
Could Stark and Bush Affect Morales?
The Stark intervention record makes the potential Orange County issue clearer.
If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales that it raised against Bush, the Orange County court could be asked to consider a broader record concerning the committee’s legal identity and structure.
That record could include FHDCC’s request to become a Party Defendant in Stark; Herron’s representation of the committee; Hawkes’ denial of FHDCC intervention; FHDCC’s Miami-Dade capacity argument; Hunschofsky’s sworn affidavit; and state records governing the committee’s organization and operations.
None of that evidence establishes the merits of Morales’ defamation claims.
But it could become relevant to a threshold question:
Is FHDCC itself a proper defendant?
And if Florida law ultimately says it is not, another question follows:
Who is the proper party for allegedly actionable conduct undertaken through the committee?
Three Courts, Different Consequences
The issue carries different consequences in each court.
Leon County: FHDCC affirmatively sought Party Defendant status, but Hawkes denied its intervention. Stark’s case is closed, and nothing in the Bush or Morales litigation currently changes that outcome.
Miami-Dade County: The consequences are immediate. Bush is seeking a $1 million final default judgment while FHDCC is attempting to set aside its default and arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
Orange County: The issue is prospective. If FHDCC raises the same capacity defense against Morales, Deen could be asked to examine the developing Stark and Bush records in determining whether FHDCC is a proper defendant.
One Political Committee, Three Florida Courts
The court records do not establish wrongdoing by FHDCC, Herron, Hunschofsky or their attorneys. Nor do they establish the merits of the Bush or Morales defamation claims.
What they do establish is an unusual litigation record involving the same political committee across three Florida circuit courts.
In Leon County, FHDCC asked to become a Party Defendant — and Hawkes denied the request.
In Miami-Dade County, FHDCC is fighting a clerk’s default and Bush’s request for a $1 million final default judgment while arguing that it cannot be sued in its own name.
In Orange County, FHDCC is now a named defendant in Morales’ defamation lawsuit.
The cases could ultimately put a fundamental question under scrutiny:
What is the Florida House Democratic Campaign Committee’s legal status — and if FHDCC cannot be sued in its own name, who may be held legally accountable for actionable conduct undertaken through the committee if that conduct is ultimately proven?
Florida
FIU Becomes First Florida University to Launch CORE Emergency Management Partnership
Published
1 week agoon
August 26, 2026MIAMI, Fla. (FNN) — Florida officials announced the launch of the Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education, or CORE, Program at Florida International University, beginning an initiative designed to strengthen the state’s emergency management workforce through partnerships with colleges, universities and technical and trade schools.
The program will connect higher education institutions with the Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies to provide students with specialized education and training in emergency management.
CORE is also expected to provide opportunities for students to earn industry-recognized certificates and establish pathways to jobs with emergency management offices and private-sector industry partners across Florida.
FIU First to Launch CORE
Florida International University in Miami is the first institution where CORE is being rolled out.
State officials said 11 institutions have committed to participating, with the long-term goal of expanding the initiative to every college, university, technical school and trade school in Florida.
The statewide expansion would create a pipeline of students trained for careers involving disaster preparedness, emergency response and recovery.
Building Florida’s Emergency Management Workforce
Florida’s exposure to hurricanes and other natural disasters has made emergency preparedness and response a major state priority.
Officials said maintaining Florida’s emergency management capabilities requires developing the next generation of professionals who will work before, during and after disasters and other emergencies.
The CORE partnerships are designed to connect classroom education with professional training, certifications and employment opportunities.
Education-to-Employment Pipeline
The program is intended to create a more direct pathway from education to careers in emergency management.
Through partnerships involving state agencies, educational institutions and industry organizations, students could gain specialized training while developing credentials recognized by employers.
The initiative could also help state and local emergency management agencies develop a larger pool of trained candidates as Florida’s population and emergency-response needs continue to grow.
Statewide Expansion Planned
While the program begins at FIU, officials said the broader objective is statewide.
The goal is to eventually establish CORE partnerships throughout Florida’s higher education and workforce-training system, including universities, colleges, technical schools and trade schools.
Florida officials also envision CORE becoming a workforce-development model that other states could replicate.
Key Takeaways
- Program: Coalition for Operational Readiness in Education (CORE)
- Initial launch: Florida International University in Miami
- State partner: Florida Division of Emergency Management and other state agencies
- Participating institutions: 11 institutions have committed so far
- Training: Specialized emergency management education and workforce preparation
- Credentials: Industry-recognized certificates
- Career component: Pathways to emergency management agencies and industry employers
- Long-term goal: Expand CORE to colleges, universities, technical schools and trade schools throughout Florida
- National objective: Develop a Florida workforce model that could be replicated in other states
Trending
Florida4 days agoDemocratic Leaders Condemned Susan Valdés’ GOP Switch; Orange Democrats Later Appear Alongside Her
Sports4 days agoJaguars Shut Out Buccaneers 19-0 in Preseason Finale
Entertainment2 days agoTom Cruise Announces ‘Days of Thunder’ 2 With Anne Hathaway, Surprises NASCAR Fans at Daytona
Sports4 days agoRyan Preece Captures Checkered Flag in Dramatic Coke Zero Sugar 400 Victory at Daytona