Politics
Last Troops Exit Afghanistan, Ending America’s Longest War
Published
5 years agoon
WASHINGTON (AP) — The United States completed its withdrawal from Afghanistan late Monday, ending America’s longest war and closing a chapter in military history likely to be remembered for colossal failures, unfulfilled promises and a frantic final exit that cost the lives of more than 180 Afghans and 13 U.S. service members, some barely older than the war.
Hours ahead of President Joe Biden’s Tuesday deadline for shutting down a final airlift, and thus ending the U.S. war, Air Force transport planes carried a remaining contingent of troops from Kabul airport. Thousands of troops had spent a harrowing two weeks protecting the airlift of tens of thousands of Afghans, Americans and others seeking to escape a country once again ruled by Taliban militants.
In announcing the completion of the evacuation and war effort. Gen. Frank McKenzie, head of U.S. Central Command, said the last planes took off from Kabul airport at 3:29 p.m. Washington time, or one minute before midnight in Kabul. He said a number of American citizens, likely numbering in “the very low hundreds,” were left behind, and that he believes they will still be able to leave the country.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken put the number of Americans left behind at under 200, “likely closer to 100,” and said the State Department would keep working to get them out. He praised the military-led evacuation as heroic and historic and said the U.S. diplomatic presence would shift to Doha, Qatar.
Biden said military commanders unanimously favored ending the airlift, not extending it. He said he asked Blinken to coordinate with international partners in holding the Taliban to their promise of safe passage for Americans and others who want to leave in the days ahead.
The airport had become a U.S.-controlled island, a last stand in a 20-year war that claimed more than 2,400 American lives.
The closing hours of the evacuation were marked by extraordinary drama. American troops faced the daunting task of getting final evacuees onto planes while also getting themselves and some of their equipment out, even as they monitored repeated threats — and at least two actual attacks — by the Islamic State group’s Afghanistan affiliate. A suicide bombing on Aug. 26 killed 13 American service members and some 169 Afghans.
The final pullout fulfilled Biden’s pledge to end what he called a “forever war” that began in response to the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, that killed nearly 3,000 people in New York, Washington and rural Pennsylvania. His decision, announced in April, reflected a national weariness of the Afghanistan conflict. Now he faces criticism at home and abroad, not so much for ending the war as for his handling of a final evacuation that unfolded in chaos and raised doubts about U.S. credibility.
The U.S. war effort at times seemed to grind on with no endgame in mind, little hope for victory and minimal care by Congress for the way tens of billions of dollars were spent for two decades. The human cost piled up — tens of thousands of Americans injured in addition to the dead.
More than 1,100 troops from coalition countries and more than 100,000 Afghan forces and civilians died, according to Brown University’s Costs of War project.
In Biden’s view the war could have ended 10 years ago with the U.S. killing of Osama bin Laden, whose al-Qaida extremist network planned and executed the 9/11 plot from an Afghanistan sanctuary. Al-Qaida has been vastly diminished, preventing it thus far from again attacking the United States.
Congressional committees, whose interest in the war waned over the years, are expected to hold public hearings on what went wrong in the final months of the U.S. withdrawal. Why, for example, did the administration not begin earlier the evacuation of American citizens as well as Afghans who had helped the U.S. war effort and felt vulnerable to retribution by the Taliban?
It was not supposed to end this way. The administration’s plan, after declaring its intention to withdraw all combat troops, was to keep the U.S. Embassy in Kabul open, protected by a force of about 650 U.S. troops, including a contingent that would secure the airport along with partner countries. Washington planned to give the now-defunct Afghan government billions more to prop up its army.
Biden now faces doubts about his plan to prevent al-Qaida from regenerating in Afghanistan and of suppressing threats posed by other extremist groups such as the Islamic State group’s Afghanistan affiliate. The Taliban are enemies of the Islamic State group but retain links to a diminished al-Qaida.
The final U.S. exit included the withdrawal of its diplomats, although the State Department has left open the possibility of resuming some level of diplomacy with the Taliban depending on how they conduct themselves in establishing a government and adhering to international pleas for the protection of human rights.
The speed with which the Taliban captured Kabul on Aug. 15 caught the Biden administration by surprise. It forced the U.S. to empty its embassy and frantically accelerate an evacuation effort that featured an extraordinary airlift executed mainly by the U.S. Air Force, with American ground forces protecting the airfield. The airlift began in such chaos that a number of Afghans died on the airfield, including at least one who attempted to cling to the airframe of a C-17 transport plane as it sped down the runway.
By the evacuation’s conclusion, well over 100,000 people, mostly Afghans, had been flown to safety. The dangers of carrying out such a mission came into tragic focus last week when the suicide bomber struck outside an airport gate.
Speaking shortly after that attack, Biden stuck to his view that ending the war was the right move. He said it was past time for the United States to focus on threats emanating from elsewhere in the world.
“Ladies and gentlemen,” he said, “it was time to end a 20-year war.”
The war’s start was an echo of a promise President George W. Bush made while standing atop of the rubble in New York City three days after hijacked airliners slammed into the twin towers of the World Trade Center.
“The people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon!” he declared through a bullhorn.
Less than a month later, on Oct. 7, Bush launched the war. The Taliban’s forces were overwhelmed and Kabul fell in a matter of weeks. A U.S.-installed government led by Hamid Karzai took over and bin Laden and his al-Qaida cohort escaped across the border into Pakistan.
The initial plan was to extinguish bin Laden’s al-Qaida, which had used Afghanistan as a staging base for its attack on the United States. The grander ambition was to fight a “Global War on Terrorism” based on the belief that military force could somehow defeat Islamic extremism. Afghanistan was but the first round of that fight. Bush chose to make Iraq the next, invading in 2003 and getting mired in an even deadlier conflict that made Afghanistan a secondary priority until Barack Obama assumed the White House in 2009 and later that year decided to escalate in Afghanistan.
Obama pushed U.S. troop levels to 100,000, but the war dragged on though bin Laden was killed in Pakistan in 2011.
When Donald Trump entered the White House in 2017 he wanted to withdraw from Afghanistan but was persuaded not only to stay but to add several thousand U.S. troops and escalate attacks on the Taliban. Two years later his administration was looking for a deal with the Taliban, and in February 2020 the two sides signed an agreement that called for a complete U.S. withdrawal by May 2021. In exchange, the Taliban made a number of promises including a pledge not to attack U.S. troops.
Biden weighed advice from members of his national security team who argued for retaining the 2,500 troops who were in Afghanistan by the time he took office in January. But in mid-April he announced his decision to fully withdraw.
The Taliban pushed an offensive that by early August toppled key cities, including provincial capitals. The Afghan army largely collapsed, sometimes surrendering rather than taking a final stand, and shortly after President Ashraf Ghani fled the capital, the Taliban rolled into Kabul and assumed control on Aug. 15.
Some parts of the country modernized during the U.S. war years, and life for many Afghans, especially women and girls, improved measurably. But Afghanistan remains a tragedy, poor, unstable and with many of its people fearing a return to the brutality the country endured when the Taliban ruled from 1996 to 2001.
The U.S. failures were numerous. It degraded but never defeated the Taliban and ultimately failed to build an Afghan military that could hold off the insurgents, despite $83 billion in U.S. spending to train and equip the army.
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Florida
Florida CFO Blaise Ingoglia Targets Orange County Over $300 Million in Alleged Wasteful Spending
Published
6 days agoon
May 21, 2026By
Willie DavidORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — Blaise Ingoglia announced that more than $300 million in the 2025-2026 Orange County budget has been identified as “excessive and wasteful spending,” as part of an ongoing statewide review of local government finances.
According to the Florida Agency of Fiscal Oversight, Orange County’s General Fund Budget has increased by 66.06% since 2019. Last year, the CFO’s office identified nearly $200 million in what it described as excessive spending in the county’s 2024-2025 budget.
Ingoglia said the continued increase in spending highlights the need for property tax reform across Florida.
“Last September, my office revealed that Orange County’s local government officials were irresponsibly spending taxpayer dollars,” Ingoglia said in a statement. “Not only did they not heed our warning, but they doubled down on excessive spending. The taxpayers are suffering the consequences of their wasteful spending problem. The time for property tax reform is now.”
ORANGE COUNTY BUDGET GROWTH
State officials reported that Orange County’s General Fund Budget increased by $688,768,908 since 2020, while the county’s population grew by 131,538 residents during that same period.
According to the report, for every family of four that moved to Orange County, the budget increased by approximately $20,945.
The Florida Agency of Fiscal Oversight also stated that Orange County has spent an estimated $747.5 million in excessive or wasteful expenditures over the last six years.
PROPERTY TAX RELIEF PROPOSAL
The report claims Orange County could reduce its millage rate by 1.22 mills without disrupting essential county services. If implemented, homeowners could see annual savings based on taxable property values:
- A taxable home value of $300,000 could save approximately $365 annually.
- A taxable home value of $400,000 could save approximately $486 annually.
- A taxable home value of $500,000 could save approximately $608 annually.
The findings come as Florida leaders continue discussing broader statewide property tax reform initiatives focused on reducing the burden on homeowners.
STATEWIDE FISCAL OVERSIGHT EFFORT
Ingoglia said his office has now uncovered more than $2.4 billion in excessive and wasteful government spending statewide. He pledged to continue reviewing local government budgets and advocating for transparency and accountability in taxpayer spending.
Americans for Prosperity also voiced support for the effort.
“CFO Ingoglia continues to keep his foot on the gas when it comes to identifying wasteful spending within local governments,” said Greg Ungru of Americans for Prosperity. “Taxpayers deserve transparency, especially as Orange County has continued to throw away money over the last six years.”
Florida
DeSantis Calls for Homestead Property Tax Reform as Florida Revenues Surge to $60 Billion
Published
6 days agoon
May 21, 2026By
Willie DavidBREVARD COUNTY, Fla. (FNN) — Ron DeSantis held a property tax relief roundtable Monday in Melbourne, making the case for sweeping tax relief for Florida homeowners while urging state lawmakers to finalize the budget so the proposal can move forward.
Speaking at the Space Coast Association of Realtors, DeSantis said a ballot initiative centered on homestead exemptions for Florida residents is the next major item on his agenda once state budget negotiations are completed.
“This is something that a lot of people have been talking about for a long time,” DeSantis said. “Once there’s a budget agreement, then we move forward on putting something on the ballot for property tax.”
PROPERTY TAX RELIEF PLAN
The governor said the proposal would focus on providing relief to homeowners with homesteaded primary residences across Florida. DeSantis argued that rising property values and increased local government revenues have placed added pressure on homeowners already dealing with higher insurance premiums and overall living costs.
The proposed reforms are expected to center around homestead exemptions and could ultimately require voter approval through a statewide constitutional amendment.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT REVENUE SURGE
DeSantis pointed to a dramatic increase in local government property tax collections as a major reason for pursuing reform. According to the governor, local governments across Florida collected approximately $32 billion in property tax revenue in 2019. That figure has now climbed to nearly $60 billion in 2026.
The governor said the sharp increase demonstrates that local governments have experienced significant revenue growth during the state’s population and housing boom.
NEXT STEPS IN TALLAHASSEE
Before any proposal can advance to voters, lawmakers must first finalize the state budget during the current legislative process. DeSantis indicated property tax reform discussions could intensify once a budget agreement is reached.
The governor has continued to position property tax relief as a major legislative priority heading into the 2026 election cycle.
Florida
Darren Soto Faces Toughest Re-Election Fight as Puerto Rican Political Influence Shifts in Central Florida
Published
2 weeks agoon
May 13, 2026By
Willie DavidORLANDO, Fla. (FNN) — A decade ago, Central Florida’s growing Puerto Rican population was widely viewed as a political force poised to reshape Florida politics for generations.
Today, that momentum faces growing uncertainty.
As congressional redistricting redraws political boundaries, voter turnout fluctuates, and internal political divisions deepen, Puerto Rican political representation in Central Florida is confronting one of its most significant challenges in modern Florida history.
At the center of the debate is Darren Soto, Florida’s first Puerto Rican member of Congress, who now faces a dramatically reshaped congressional district that political analysts say could strongly favor Republicans in 2026.
The battle over Soto’s political future has become symbolic of a larger question unfolding across Orange and Osceola counties: Can Puerto Rican political influence maintain its footing in a rapidly changing Central Florida electorate?
A Community That Once Redefined Florida Politics
Puerto Rican migration to Central Florida accelerated in the early 2000s and surged further following the economic downturn in Puerto Rico and the devastation caused by Hurricane Maria in 2017.
The migration transformed communities throughout Orlando, Kissimmee and surrounding areas, creating one of the largest Puerto Rican populations in the continental United States.
The political impact soon followed.
Puerto Rican candidates increasingly won elections at both the state and federal levels, creating what many viewed as a rising pipeline of Hispanic leadership in Florida.
That rise included the elections of leaders such as:
US House of Representatives
- Darren Soto (D) — U.S. Congressman(2016) ; former State Senator (2012) and State Representative (2007)
Florida State Senate
- Victor Torres (D) — former State Senator (2016-2024) and State Representative (2012)
Florida House of Representatives
- Susan Plasencia (R) — State Representative (2022)
- Johanna López (D) — State Representative (2022) and former Orange County School Board Member
- Daisy Morales (D) — former State Representative (2020) and former Supervisor of Orange County Soil & Water Conservation District
- Amy Mercado (D) — former State Representative (2016)
- René Plasencia (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- John Cortes (D) — former State Representative (2014)
- Bob Cortes (R) — former State Representative (2014)
- Ricardo Rangel (D) — former State Representative 2012
- John Quiñones (R) — former State Representative (2002) and former Osceola County Commissioner
- Anthony Suarez (D) — former State Representative (1999)
Puerto Rican representation reached a high point during the mid-2010s.
In 2016, six Puerto Rican elected officials simultaneously held seats in Congress or the Florida Legislature, including Soto, Torres, Bob Cortes, John Cortes, Amy Mercado and Rene Plasencia.
Political strategists at the time predicted that Puerto Rican voters could eventually help Democrats establish long-term dominance in Florida.
That projection, however, has not materialized.
Redistricting Changed the Political Landscape
The congressional map approved by Ron DeSantis and the Republican-controlled Legislature significantly altered Central Florida’s political boundaries following the 2020 Census.
The changes reshaped Soto’s congressional district by expanding it eastward and incorporating more conservative coastal and suburban voters.
Under the revised district:
- The Hispanic voting-age population declined substantially.
- Puerto Rican voter concentration dropped sharply.
- White voters became the district’s largest demographic group.
- Republican performance improved across multiple precincts added to the district.
Political analysts say the new map transformed what had been a Democratic-leaning Hispanic-majority district into a far more competitive seat.
The map also intensified concerns among civil rights advocates and Puerto Rican community leaders who argue the changes diluted Hispanic voting power.
Several legal challenges were filed against the congressional maps, though Florida courts have thus far allowed the districts to remain in place.
Election Results Raise Concerns
Recent election outcomes have further fueled debate over the future of Puerto Rican political representation.
In Senate District 25, Puerto Rican leadership ended after term limits forced the departure of Victor Torres.
His wife, Carmen Torres, sought to retain the seat in 2024 with support from Democratic leaders and Puerto Rican political organizations. She ultimately lost to a White candidate, Kristen Arrington.
In House Districts 35, 44 and 47 — districts with large Hispanic populations — White candidates also prevailed.
Meanwhile, former State Representative Daisy Morales lost her re-election bid after facing opposition supported by portions of the Democratic establishment. That opposition included, but not limited to Johanna López (Puerto Rican), who previously served as campaign manager for Samuel Vilchez Santiago during his unsuccessful 2020 challenge against Morales and later strongly supported a white candidate in Morales re-election race in 2022.
Some Puerto Rican community leaders argue these election outcomes reflect a growing disconnect between Central Florida’s expanding Hispanic population and the candidates ultimately elected to represent those communities.
Others point to changing coalition politics in Central Florida, where Venezuelan, Colombian, Brazilian and non-Hispanic voters increasingly shape election outcomes alongside Puerto Rican voters.
Internal Political Divisions Complicate the Picture
Political observers also note that internal divisions within Democratic and Puerto Rican political circles have contributed to leadership turnover.
Several recent races featured:
- Competing endorsements among Puerto Rican leaders.
- Financial support directed toward non-Puerto Rican candidates.
- Divisions between progressive and establishment Democratic factions.
- Low turnout in local and legislative elections.
The victories of candidates such as Rita Harris demonstrated how coalition-building among African American, White progressive and non-Puerto Rican Hispanic voters could overcome traditional Puerto Rican political bases.
Voter Turnout Remains a Major Challenge
Despite population growth, Puerto Rican voter turnout has remained inconsistent in nonpresidential elections.
Political strategists say turnout gaps continue to weaken electoral influence, particularly in:
- Midterm elections.
- Local legislative races.
- Municipal and county contests.
Lower participation rates among younger voters and newly relocated residents have also limited the community’s ability to fully translate population growth into political power.
Republicans, meanwhile, have made gains among Hispanic voters across Florida, particularly among working-class and socially conservative voters concerned about inflation, public safety and economic issues.
Soto Still Maintains Key Advantages
Despite the challenges, Darren Soto enters the next election cycle with several advantages.
Soto remains one of the most recognizable political figures in Central Florida and has built strong relationships throughout Osceola and Orange counties during his years in public office.
Supporters credit Soto with helping secure federal investments involving:
- Transportation infrastructure.
- SunRail expansion efforts.
- Airport development.
- Economic development initiatives.
- Hurricane recovery assistance for Puerto Rican families relocating to Florida.
Democrats also believe backlash against aggressive redistricting and growing concerns over immigration enforcement policies could energize Hispanic voter turnout.
Still, many political analysts acknowledge that the new district lines significantly complicate Soto’s path to reelection.
What Happens if Soto Loses?
If Soto is defeated, Florida could temporarily lose Puerto Rican representation in Congress entirely.
For many community leaders, the symbolic impact would be significant.
Puerto Rican advocates argue that representation matters not only legislatively, but culturally and politically, particularly for communities that spent decades building political infrastructure in Central Florida.
The concern extends beyond a single election cycle.
Currently, Johanna López and Susan Plasencia remain among the few Puerto Rican voices serving in the Florida House.
López has announced she will not seek reelection and instead is running for Orange County commissioner. She endorsed Samuel Vilchez Santiago, a Venezuelan American candidate, to succeed her.
If elected, Santiago would further reflect the political evolution of Central Florida’s Hispanic electorate, where multiple Latino communities increasingly share political influence once largely associated with Puerto Rican voters.
A Defining Election Cycle Ahead
As Central Florida continues to diversify politically and demographically, the 2026 election cycle is expected to test whether Puerto Rican political influence can regroup under new district boundaries and changing coalition dynamics.
For Soto and many longtime Puerto Rican leaders, the coming election may determine whether the political movement that transformed Central Florida over the last two decades can maintain its influence — or whether a new political era is already emerging.